Helga Zepp-LaRouche Briefs East Coast/Seattle Cadre Schools on Germany's New Chance: 'This Time We Will Win!'
August 18, 2004 • 8:00PM


Here is the transcript of Helga's remarks to the Aug. 15, 2004 East Coast/Seattle cadre schools.


Audience shouts back: Hi!

HELGA: So, I will tell you a little bit more today of the same subject, what Lyn was talking to you yesterday, because there is a whole other dimension to it, which is the way how actually the peaceful revolution happened in 1989. Because you absolutely have to understand, to appreciate what we are doing today in Saxony, and why what we are doing in Leipzig, Dresden, Plauen, and the other cities of Saxony is a direct continuation of the missed chance of '89, which we intend to make successful this time.

Now, remember that Lyn was the only one, who, in 1983, after the whole process of the SDI, had predicted the collapse of the Soviet Union in five years. Now, the reason why it is important to review this, is because the people in the East—and Saxony in that sense is part of the East, despite the fact that Germany is unified—people in the East have experienced already once, that a system can collapse. And that is a fundamentally different experience than what people think of, in Western Europe and the United States, and other places, which did not undergo this change.

Now, when Lyn predicted in 1983 that the Soviet Union would collapse, this was based essentially on two readings, two assumptions: 1) that there were inherent reasons, axiomatic reason, why the Communist system would eventually collapse. Essentially, it was because of what the Soviet economist Preobrazhensky, in the 1920s had advocated: namely that it was legitimate to do primitive accumulation, against the people, against the industrial capacity, and against the infrastructure of the Soviet Union, in order to build up socialism and the Soviet Union.

Now, however, you can not loot a system for a long period of time, without renewing the present operating basis, which is what primitive accumulation actually does, without causing, eventually the collapse of such a system. And, that's exactly that's we're looking at today, in terms of the so- called "globalization."

But, there was some more imminent reason, that the reject of the SDI, as it was proposed by Lyn, was done in favor of the famous Ogarkov Plan, which, as we later could confirm, when the D.D.R. and the Soviet Union had collapsed, was actually a plan to take over the world—like a Soviet version of what the neo-con idea of a world empire is. And, then, correctly identified, that if these two policies would prevail, namely their refusal to accept Lyn's and then subsequently Reagan's offer, to apply a science-driver principle to the Soviet economy, that it would lead to the collapse, and that the idea of having a military buildup, without the application of new physical principles and science coming from the military sector, the Soviet Union would collapse.

Now, in October 1988, when Lyn was making the famous speech in the Kempinski [Bristol] Hotel in Berlin, already could see very clearly, that at that point, all signs, from a standpoint of physical economy, pointed in the direction that the entire economy of the Comecon (which was the name for the economic union of the Soviet Union and the other East European countries), were collapsing. So, he, in the famous speech, predicted that the Soviet economy would collapse, and proposed a soon-to-be-had German unification, with Berlin as the capital. And he said: Well, Poland is undergoing tremendous economic problems, and let's develop Poland as a model for all of Eastern Europe, through the unified Germany.

Now, this was a very severe moment, because, as you know, three weeks later, Lyn was basically tried in the "rocket docket" court in Alexandria, without any due legal process, in something which Ramsey Clark would later call the biggest legal travesty in American history, by condemning Lyn to go to jail to never come out alive. And Lyn actually did go to jail in January '89. And it is very clear to me, and I have no question in my mind, that one big component why they wanted to throw Lyn into jail at that point, was because the Soviet economy was collapsing, and there were people inside the Soviet Union who actually knew that; and I'm pretty sure they also existed on the side of those people who conducted the campaign against Lyn. And it was actually one of the biggest crimes against humanity, to put Lyn into jail, at a moment when his being not in jail would have made a huge difference, in terms of his possible impact, affecting this great historical moment.

So, that happened in January '89. Now, '89 was the year of the big historic change, because that was the year in which the peaceful revolutions in Eastern Europe started, which eventually would sweep away the Communist system, which had lasted for 70 years. Now, in June '89, Gorbachov came to Germany, and while Gorbachov was extremely disliked in the Soviet Union, because people regarded him as somebody who was a traitor, selling out to the West, the people in Germany greeted him in a completely frenzy, yelling "Gorby! Gorby! Gorby!" completely brainwashed by the media.

But, that was in June, and already by the end of June, it was clear that the D.D.R. had tremendous supply difficulties: They could not deliver the most simple goods, and while people were used in the D.D.R., that they had enormous waiting periods—for example, when you would order a "Trabi," which was one of these little D.D.R. cars, totally joke cars, but you had to wait 12 years! And then, after 12 years, your Trabi, you would realize you didn't have a fifth wheel, or some other part of the Trabi would be missing. And then would stand for another two days in line to get this part, and they would close the window where they were selling this stuff, just as you got there. So, people were used to unbelievable supply difficulties—but not like this. The most fundamental things started to be not there, in the end of June.

So, at that point the regime of the D.D.R. came under tremendous pressure. And when Seiters, who was a West German politician close to Kohl, went to East Berlin in the beginning of July, he realized for the very first time that the D.D.R. economy was about to go bankrupt.

So, then, after 40 years of complete dictatorship, something very strange happened. And this is actually something you would understand, if you apply Schiller's idea of history: Namely that man is greater than his destiny, but there can be also accidents, which you do not control. Historical processes are not entirely man-made, but sometimes something happens, which seemingly doesn't make any sense. And such a strange thing happened in August '89, where people in the East, who were not allowed to travel West, had accepted that for decades, all of a sudden, out of the blue, they insisted they wanted to travel to the West.

So, all of a sudden, you had hundreds of refugees, hiding in the West German embassies in Budapest, in Prague of Czechoslovakia, and in the permanent diplomatic representation of West Germany in East Berlin (because there was no embassy, but just a so-called "permanent representation"), where, all of a sudden, in the month of August, 130 persons gathered.

Then, on Aug. 25, 1989, there was a secret meeting between West Germany and Hungary, taking place in Bonn, discussing this refugee crisis, because all these hundreds of refugees were sitting without food, without sanitation, in the embassy. So, that whole process exploded.

And in September '89, where the Monday demonstration had just started to begin, really beginning of September, to become sizable. Before it was just some handful of people walking around with candles around Nikolaikirche in Leipzig. The so-called New Forum, first civil rights organization, was founded in East Berlin. Then the Monday demonstrations started to pick up a little bit of steam, in September. And, then, on Oct. 6, in 1989, there was the 40-year celebration of the existence of the D.D.R. The Monday demonstrations had already swelled, to be hundreds of thousands of people.

At that point—you know, you must imagine—on Oct. 6, you had, on the one side 100,000 people in the street, in Leipzig and also beginning in East Berlin; but, you had the birthday military parade of the D.D.R., with gigantic tanks, missiles, army, armored cars, and so forth. And it was on the absolute edge: Either it would go the military way, or these demonstrations would continue. At that point, Honecker, who was the head of the D.D.R. government, basically made the famous statement, which later became famous, that "socialism would last at least another 1,000 years." And then, he said, in German and I'm now translating into English, "Socialism in its course is unstoppable, by ox or horse." "Sozialismus ins einlauf hat weder ochs noch aeslaus. " [ph]

So, at that point, in the West, people basically were completely taken by surprise, because everybody was saying, the whole idea of a German unification was the lie of the century; it's the official goal of German policy, but it will never happen. And, you know, so, people were completely caught by surprise. One day later, on Oct. 7, '89, Gorbachov, who had visited this military parade in East Berlin and elsewhere, came to the conclusion that the SED leadership was completely unable to reform, and therefore had to change. Then, about ten days later, on Oct. 18, Honecker was toppled by the SED leadership, and kicked out—so, only 12 days after he had said that socialism would last 1,000 years.

Now, beginning of November, one of the key negotiators from the D.D.R., called Schalk-Golodkowski met with his West German counterpart, Seiters, and basically they said that the D.D.R. was completely bankrupt.

Now, on Nov. 8, I wrote an article, called the "Five Point Program for the Development of Poland," which was the proposal that Kohl and Mitterrand should immediately go to Moscow, speak openly with the Soviet leadership, saying, "Look, the Soviet economy is collapsing. People are going hungry. And Germany and France are offering to help, provided you allow for Germany and Poland self-determination. And all of this should be put on the table to avoid bloodshed, and to have a peaceful solution."

Now, in that period, you have to understand, I could not even talk with Lyn on the telephone directly, because he could not speak. He was sitting in jail, in this incredibly important moment.

Now, on the same day, Nov. 9, Kohl went to Warsaw.

The same day, 700,000 gathered at the Monday demonstration at Leipzig, and 700,000 people gathered in East Berlin.

And then, again, while these accidents in history occurred, because the spokesman for the D.D.R. government, called Guenter Schabowski, appeared in a press conference to announce new travel conditions for people to go to the West: And this was misjudged, and misheard—and people just misheard it that this would mean the opening of the Berlin Wall. And the people were storming, by the hundreds, by the thousands, in Berlin to the Wall, climbing the Wall.

And these same border control guards, who previously had the famous order to shoot—and they did shoot many times, when people tried to cross the Wall—they were so flabbergasted and so shocked about the people, and the news that the Wall would be opened—which it was not! But, it was just such a confusion, that almost by accident, that this Wall was opened, because nobody dared any more to defend it.

So, some of you may remember the images, where people were dancing on the Wall. Relatives who had not seen each other for years or decades, were crying with joy, falling into each others' arms, and just celebrating and jubilating, that this process had taken place.

Now, many years later, in July '98, the German government published the secret documents concerning the policy in Germany of this period. And this was the documentation of the secret and confidential files of this period, memorandums, notes of telephone calls, and so forth—and this documentation starts, actually, with the first sentence, that nobody in Germany in the spring of '89 had any expectation about the soon-to-happen German unification. And, what this document also made very clear, is that, at that moment, in '89, Germany was a completely occupied country; that the three Western powers had the last word in every respect. That nobody could do anything sovereign in Germany, but that the Western powers still regarded Germany as a completely occupied country.

All right: So, here you had it. The Wall opened. The West German government was completely caught by surprise. Nobody had any idea what to do. And immediately, the three Western powers started an unbelievable campaign, to prevent the German unification from happening.

Margaret Thatcher, the evil bad lady—she was famous for having this terrible bag all the time—she was absolutely dead set determined to prevent German unification. And her minister, with the name of Ridley, launched the most unbelievable Fourth Reich campaign against Germany: saying that, what's happening now in Germany, all these efforts to unite Germany, East and West, were really an effort to turn Germany into a Fourth Reich. That this was the third time in the 20th Century that Germany would try to gain dominance over Europe: the first one being the Emperor, the second one being Hitler, and now the third one being this. Which was really unbelievable, because poor Kohl, the Chancellor at the time: You could say many nasty things about him, but you could not accuse him of being a new Hitler.

So, that was from England.

Then, from the United States, you had Bush Sr., who was also dead set against the Germany unification. But, because he had more moderate advisors, who were somehow dampening the influence of Cheney, Rumsfeld, and the neo- cons—namely Scowcroft and Eagleburger and so forth—they advised Bush that if he would be against German unification, that the United States would lose any influence in Europe. And therefore, they advised him to agree to unification, but to induce Germany to apply a policy of self-containment, to cut Germany down by self-containment.

And Mitterrand, who was the President of France at that time, basically also had the policy to prevent unification, but then, when he realized that it was unstoppable, insisted that Germany had to give up the deutschemark, and agree to a European Monetary Union as a way to destroy the strong German economy.

Now, remember, in this period, in November '89, it was completely unclear what would happen. There was no script; there was nothing fixed. It was completely unknown, and unclear, what would be the reaction of the Soviet Union. Would they go in a military way against a peaceful revolution? What would Honecker do? Would he use the army against the peaceful demonstration? Would there be violence? And after all, remember that previous efforts by the people of Eastern Europe to stand up against the Communist system, were always destroyed in a bloody way: the famous June 17, 1953 in the D.D.R.; then the famous Hungarian upheaval in 1956; and actually, the similar idea of the Prague Spring in 1968, in Czechoslovakia, which each time Soviet tanks had smashed.

So, it was a big question mark, what would happen? It took tremendous courage and tremendous nerve, in this situation, from the side of the peaceful demonstrators. Lyn was talking about yesterday, about what his specific role had been in the preparation for this.

Now, on Nov. 21, I wrote a letter to Kohl, again saying Germany and France had to take the initiative, to develop Poland with Western technologies, to basically develop the infrastructure of Eastern Europe, as a way to bring peaceful economic development into this chaotic situation. The same day, on Nov. 21, Portugalov, who was the representative of the Central Committee of the Soviet Union, met in Bonn with Teltschik from the Chancellor's office, and afterwards wrote in a report, that obviously, he came to the conclusion that the Soviet ideas about unification were much further developed than those in Germany.

One day later, on Nov. 22, I wrote a leaflet which had the headline: "Beloved Germany, Continue." Which appealed to the unbelievable emotional upheaval and elevation of the people, and then said: Okay, we have to turn it into infrastructure development of the East. Now, we were the only ones who wrote leaflets at that time. There was absolutely nobody, who had any idea what to do.

One day later, on Nov. 23, Kohl had the first meeting with his staff, to discuss plans for the unification—that was the first time. On Nov. 27, Kohl wrote a letter to Mitterrand, telling him that the earliest possible time for a European Monetary Union would be in '92, because, if he would abandon the D- mark too early, it would smash the German economy, and it would ruin all of Europe as a consequence, and therefore the European Monetary Union, and the euro, should not occur before '92.

Then, on Nov. 28, Kohl made the very first step in terms of German sovereignty, by announcing a famous ten-point program—which he did not coordinate with Bush or Thatcher or Mitterrand—and this was a complete violation of the four-power, or the three-power, Western power occupation of Germany, and it is the only time, that Germany made such an independent step.

Now, this ten-point program did not even propose a unification. It proposed a "confederation" of East and West Germany. But, it was a meager plan, because, as I said earlier, the government admitted that they did not have a contingency plan, and this ten-point program was the first time this actually went in this direction.

Now, what were these ten points? First, emergency measures to give a new dimension to the traffic between East and West; medical care, humanitarian cooperation, to get up a fund to finance all of this. Secondly, that the West German government would continue the cooperation with the D.D.R., assuming that the D.D.R. would remain an independent state, in the field of economic, science, and environment, and that a train should be built from Moscow to Paris. Third, free elections should be worked for, as soon as possible, and the relation between the two states should be approved. So, they always anticipated, or assumed, that the two-state condition would remain. Fourth, confederate structures in the context of Europe. Sixth, the European Union should be expanded to the East. Eighth, the CSCE process should be continue—that's the Conference on Security and Economic Cooperation. Ninth, disarmament should continue. Tenth, that German unification would remain the goal.

Now, that was, as I said, the first step in the direction of German sovereignty.

Anyway, after this first baby step in the direction of sovereignty, two days later, on Nov. 30, Alfred Herrhausen, who was the president of Deutsche Bank was assassinated by a so-called "third generation" of the RAF [Red Army Fraction] (that's the Baader-Meinhof Gang, which everybody knows was a fiction, and did not exist).

Now, one day earlier, I wrote another leaflet called "What 80 Million Germans Can Do as a Force for Good in the World." And that already assumed that 80 million would be one country. And again, we were the absolutely only ones who had anything to say.

So, Herrhausen was killed, why? Because he was the only banker, and the only person outside of ourselves, who proposed a crash program for the economic development of Poland, using the Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau, meaning to go outside the condition of the IMF system. And he also demanded a debt reorganization of the Third World. And he was killed, as a clear warning to the German establishment, that they should absolutely not dare to step outside of the system.

Two days later, on the Dec. 2-3, Gorbachov and Bush met in Malta, and, as we suspected at that time, they were discussing ways to keep the condominium control over Europe, over Germany, and over the world.

On Dec. 4, Lyn, while was sitting in jail, wrote a beautiful article how to use the German middle-level industry as a locomotive for this process. On Dec. 6, I wrote another letter to Kohl, how Europe should counter the effort to keep the U.S.-Soviet superpower control over the world, by developing Europe into a superpower of economic progress, and proposing to invite Eastern Europe to participate.

Then, two days later, there was in Strasbourg, the summit of the European Union, which Kohl in his memoirs, describes as the "darkest hours" of his life, because, what happened? Kohl went to Strasbourg, and he was met with the most icy atmosphere, the most unbelievable cold shoulder by everybody else. And he was basically told that he had to agree to the European Monetary Union, give up the D-mark right away, or else, all of Europe would not agree to the German unification. At that point Henry Kissinger was warning of the new German danger; [then-Soviet Foreign Minister] Shevardnadze was raving against the ten-point program of Kohl. And Kohl was completely smashed by the combination of Soviet-European-American opposition to the idea of a German unification.

All right. Then, on Dec. 19, Kohl went for the first time to Dresden. And there, he was received by mass jubilating, welcoming him, and that, according to his own account, was the first time that he realized, that German unification was absolutely in the air, and not to be postponed any longer.

So then, on the year end, Christmas/New Year '89-'90, this was actually an unbelievable moment, because the people in the East, the people in the West, like I have never seen in my life ever since, or before: It was truly a " Sternstunde der Menschheit " [roughly: a starburst for mankind] I haven't found an English word yet—it's like, when the Christ child was born, the story goes that a comet appeared in the sky, in the heavens, and this is called a "Sternstunde," where a new age appears: something unbelievable, and everything would have been possible. People were better people for a short period of time.

On the German TV, on Christmas 1989, you had two times, the Ninth Symphony—normally people would complain about two programs, you know two times the Ninth Symphony, you know "Ugh, why do you have a repetition?" But that was not so: You had people longing for great Classical culture. One Ninth Symphony was conducted by the Leipzig conductor [Kurt] Mazur, and the other one was conducted by Bernstein, but people wanted to have great Classical music, and everything would have been possible! Because, if you had had a government with a vision, what to do, you could have changed the East-West relationship completely, and ended a 20th-Century misery which had two world wars, Nazism, and so forth, and you could have made a new peace order, entirely.

Now, at that point, with all the input from Lyn, we were working on this idea of the Productive Triangle. And by mid-January, we had the first pamphlet out—I don't know how many pages, maybe 30, 40 pages—with this idea of the Productive Triangle Paris-Berlin-Vienna: which was the idea to take this territory of this triangle, which was the most productive triangle in the world, with the highest level of industry, and increase the productivity by investing in high technology, vanguard technologies, maglev trains, HTR reactors, biophysics, and other modern technologies, to increase the productivity, to use this triangle as a science-driver for the economy of Europe in general. And then, to take so-called "infrastructure corridors" from Berlin to Warsaw, to Kiev, to the Balkans, and to basically make a kind of a Marshall Plan for the East. (Even so, we didn't use the word "Marshall Plan," because Marshall was not such a great guy, but the idea was on the table.)

So, at that point, it would have been very easy to do that. And the difference was, that we said, and Lyn said, "Let's not destroy the economies of the East, but let's use those industries, which may be obsolete from the standpoint of the word 'market,' but which are perfectly fine industrial capacities, and every Third World country would have been very, very happy to have them." Because, if you take the East German, or Polish, or Hungarian industries, and you put them into Africa, or most places in Asia and Latin America, they would have been very, very happy to have them. They were just not modern enough from the standpoint of the world market. But, our idea was to use them to build up the infrastructure in the East.

Okay, that was mid-January. The same day we put out the program, the Stasi headquarters—the East German equivalent of the FBI headquarters—was stormed by the people. And so, the D.D.R. regime still existed, but they became weaker.

End of January, Margaret Thatcher escalated the Fourth Reich campaign, and you know, basically everything was still in limbo. On Feb. 7, I wrote another letter to Kohl, sending him this Productive Triangle proposal, and one week later, I sent him a cultural program, by telling him, that now was the time to not only have an economic development program for the East, but to combine it with the great German Classical period, and have a "Schillerzeit," and that only in way, this historical moment could be used.

On Feb. 19, Amelia went to the Monday demonstration in Leipzig and ad.d.r.essed more than 50,000 people.

On March 7, I wrote still another letter to Kohl, elaborating on the need to have a Classical Renaissance. Unfortunately, he did neither: He didn't take the Productive Triangle, and he didn't go with the cultural Renaissance. But, what happened instead, people opened up porno stores, video stores, and basically, very quickly in the context of the ongoing year, the historical chance dwindled and dwindled.

Now, on Aug. 21, I sent an EIR Study of several hundred pages to Kohl, because by that time, we had elaborated the program very much. And basically in the same letter, I warned Kohl, that the Anglo-Americans, and British and the American government, were preparing a new war in the Gulf. The old Gulf War. So, we warned half a year before the Gulf War happened, that it would happen for geostrategic reasons, and we also said, that the only way, how you could prevent this war from occurring would be that the Europeans would denounce it, and basically say, that this is a geostrategic effort to take the historical momentum away from Germany, and basically have a military alliance as a control mechanism.

Unfortunately, they did not pay attention. The Gulf War happened. But, I sent the same study to all the ministers, and I got several answers back from them.

Then, on Oct. 3, 1990, German unification happened. But, we kept organizing: In October, I went for the first time to Budapest, in Hungary, being invited by the Hungarian prisoner organization, which invited me, because Lyn was regarded to be a political prisoner of the United States. And there, I presented the program of the Productive Triangle, and then, on subsequent visits, also in Warsaw, in Prague, in Slovakia, and later on in Ukraine, and Russia, and so forth.

All these presentations, and really literally hundreds of seminars and conferences for the Productive Triangle, naturally, were always combined with efforts to get VIPs, prime ministers, parliamentarians, to intervene for Lyn's freedom. And in this period, we gathered thousands of VIP signatures, which were basically then sent—especially after Clinton came to office—to the White House, with the idea that you would mobilize, like in the case of Mandela, a worldwide movement of people demanding the freedom of Lyn.

Okay, so we did this. But, then, in 1991 the Soviet Union collapsed.

In April '91, Rohwedder, who was the head of Treuhand, the organization which was dealing with the industries in East Germany, was assassinated, like Herrhausen. And, not the Productive Triangle was implemented, but instead, you had the implementation of the IMF shock therapy, Polish-model, Jeffrey Sachs, dismantling of the industries of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. And, under the so-called control of the Yeltsin clan, the "oligarchs" took over: They stole the oil, and other resources of the Soviet Union. And it was also clear, that it was the entire intention of the United States government—at least of the old Bush crowd, and Thatcher and these people—to turn the Soviet Union into a Third World country of only raw-material producing: To dismantle the industry, turn it into a Third World country. Because, it was the assessment at that time, that the Soviet Union had more raw materials and better-skilled labor force than the United States. And, if they would be allowed to developed, an opponent on the world market would appear, which would be a rival to the idea of the United States, and therefore it should be discouraged.

But, remember, this was the same period in which the neo-cons, Cheney and Rumsfeld, already presented their plans for a world empire, using the occasion of the collapse of the Soviet Union, to move, without any reason, to turn the United States from a republic into an empire, which, as you know, was not going through at that time completely, but those plans were already there.

So, at that point, I made many speeches and wrote many leaflets, in which I warned, saying, that if the mistake would be made by the West, to impose on the bankrupt system of the Communist economies, the equally bankrupt system of the free-market economy, that, in a couple of year, in some years, a collapse would happen much greater than even the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Well, they did exactly that: They imposed on the bankrupt Communist system, the equally bankrupt free-market model. And, therefore, you have, today, in 2004, a situation where, indeed, what we predicted, came true: Namely that the free-market economic system is as bankrupt as the D.D.R. was in '89.

Okay: So, that is the context in which the German government is about to repeat the same stupidity like the German government's big in the 1930s, with the austerity policy of Brüning. And, you know, when the famous effort of Hartz IV, this is the legislation which is supposed to turn long-term umemployed into poor people, by forcing people to sell everything they possess, from possession, to insurance for their old age, before they receive a single euro in any umemployment money—which in any case, is only 331 euro in the East—and it threatens to throw millions of people into complete poverty!

Now, on July 7, I wrote a leaflet called, "In Sachsen muss die Wirtschaft wachsen," "In Saxony must the economy grow," you know, which is a rhyme—"Sachsen/wachsen" rhymes. And developing, basically, the need to reject this Hartz IV legislation and go for an industrialization process instead.

So, for about two weeks, the LYM people were the only ones who distributed that leaflet, all over Saxony. We started the Monday demonstration, because everybody else was on vacation: We called the trade unions, we called the parties, and everybody was on holiday, and not there. But, after about two good weeks, people realized that we had, indeed, hit a complete raw nerve. And, so people started to say: Wait a second—we cannot let the Büso and the LYM take over this absolute ferment, because, in the East, people have no sympathy with this system, because they feel that they have been completely cheated; and, even if they don't want to have the D.D.R. back, many, many people say that which they have now, is worse than even the worst periods of the D.D.R. And, these people are not nostalgic, they just feel that there is nobody home, who cares!

So, the first Monday demonstration we had in Leipzig, there were six people outside of ourselves. The second week, there were 30 people; the third week, 120 people; the fourth week, 200 people. And last Monday, there were, all of a sudden, in all of Germany, 50,000 people demonstrating in 30 cities! A complete explosion had occurred. And complete pandemonium broke out in Berlin and other places, that the Economic Minister Clement came out saying, "These demonstrations have to stop right away. This cannot happen" (Which naturally only encouraged people to, all the more). And it took only from the July 7, and the first leaflet, to Aug. 11 until the Schröder government announced that they are adjusting the Hartz IV legislation, and that they make some concessions—which are minor and ridiculous, but at least, we caused the government to change!

And obviously, these demonstrations will continue, until more changes are occurring.

So, therefore, what is happening in Leipzig, and in Dresden, and Plauen, and other places, is actually the bill, and the continuation of the "lost chance of '89." But, this time, basically, we will apply the lesson, and make sure that what caused the the "chance of '89" to be a lost chance, is not going to be repeated: This time, we intend to win. This time, we intend to implement the Productive Triangle, the Eurasian Land-Bridge, and combine it with a beautiful Renaissance of European and German Classical culture, of Bach. Many of these great composers and thinkers come from Saxony! Lessing, Bach, Leibniz lived there, Friedrich List, Mendelssohn, and many others.

So, we have started this Renaissance already, and there's no better way, to get it across to the people, that through the beautiful bel canto-trained voices of the LYM, which already has taken the hearts and moved the souls of many people.

So, we are in a very fascinating, very happy, very revolutionary moment, and I'm now turning the word over to Daniel [ph], Portia, and whoever else is on the phone.

[explosive applause]