JOHN HOEFLE: Hello, welcome to the LPAC Weekly Report for Aug. 11th, 2011. I'm John Hoefle, and with me in the studio today, are Sky Shields from the Basement, Alicia Cerretani, from LPAC-TV, and Lyndon LaRouche.
LYNDON LAROUCHE: We had an event, yesterday, a diplomatic event in Washington, D.C. The most significant part of that event is obviously the thing that was least on the schedule, and that is, that we are, as most of the diplomats there indicated, they have no comprehension of what the world situation is, or their immediate situation, right now. They're all trapped in a fantasy-land, which presumes that things aren't as bad as they are, a gross underestimation of the crisis which faces humanity now. For example, what we're dealing with immediately is the threat of, say, as early as Saturday, there could be a collapse of the entire world system, a chain-reaction collapse. We're on the edge now, on the decisions which will decide that. Perhaps some of these nations will be frightened enough not to do the stupid thing, the absolutely stupid thing, but none of them will be bright enough to know what to do, to be successful, in dealing with it.
And that's the mission before us. And that's the subject of the discussion, here, today. First, I will make some remarks on it; then Alicia will do what she does. And we'll have a little thing going here, and then Sky will come in, because he knows how to react to these things. So, we don't have to worry about what he's going to do, we know he's going to react, and react well. So that's the way it's going to be.
All right. Now, we are in a general breakdown crisis, and anyone who thinks there is not a general breakdown crisis, who does not think, there's an immediate collapse of civilization, beginning in the trans-Atlantic region, and extended to the rest of the world. We're looking at a breakdown crisis, which has planet-wide, immediate implications. And all those people, who think there are little solutions on the way up there, or little things that can be worked, or ways to postpone the crisis, are idiots!
We're now in a breakdown crisis. We do not produce enough, presently, to sustain people, in terms of the immediate needs of mankind! This is true in the United States, as in food supplies for the coming year; this is true in Europe; this is true in much of the rest of the world, they just don't know it, that their ignorance of reality is what seizes them and controls them, and controls their fate. That's where we are.
We had a session, a diplomatic session, in Washington, yesterday — yesterday, noontime, and that what we found. We were getting, all these — it was the largest diplomatic turnout we've had — and among all these people, there was general expression of absolute confusion, and misunderstanding of what the world situation is.
This, of course, is helped by the press, and similar kinds of things. It's helped by the politicians: Our politicians, generally are absolute idiots; there are a few exceptions. But the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, the main body of them are absolute idiots. They have no comprehension, and they lack the willingness to comprehend! They lack the willingness to understand the crisis! They lack the willingness to face reality! And this is typically a Boomer problem. They will not face reality: The entire system is now coming down. If there's not a radical and sudden change in the direction, civilization is going under.
It can go under now: It can go under, who knows what day? Who knows how soon? But the potential for an immediate collapse exists this week: It came into existence on Sunday, when everything was set up, for a general breakdown crisis of the entire international financial-monetary system. And in all the governments of the world, there's not one which has shown understanding of the nature of this crisis. And therefore, what we have to say, here, even though we may be regarded as a small voice in the world, it's probably the only thing that's worth hearing at this time.
The whole thing is coming down. Everyone in government is generally, more or less a fool. They're in a state of denial, and that's the kind of question we have to take up today. Because somebody's got to speak the truth, when you're on the edge of a potential slide into Hell. And that time is now. We don't know when it would happen, we don't know if it would happen, at some particular time, or in some way or another. We do know what the potential is. We do know, that under present principles, under present guiding policies of the governments of the world, there is no chance for the survival of humanity, and only if there is a change, of the relevant type, will mankind come out of this thing safely.
And Hell is beginning now. We entered Hell this week. The question is, when you begin to feel the heat, is the only question, and why.
And that's what we face. And we've got to get ourselves up to scratch, on this level. Don't talk about this solution, that solution, this solution — forget it! It's very simple: What has to be done, is simply put the entire financial-monetary system through a breakdown crisis, a managed breakdown crisis, which: First of all, Glass-Steagall is essential. Without Glass-Steagall and without firing the President of the United States, there's no chance for civilization. This man has to be thrown out of office, now! If he is not thrown out of office, very soon, there's no chance for humanity! Because he's jamming up the works under British control. The only thing we have in our favor, is that some of the Europeans, including some of the British, realize what they're doing: They're gambling with extinction. Not extinction now, but a process that leads to extinction.
And therefore, that's the question we have to take up now, the question I posed yesterday.
And I saw, in that group of diplomats, there, I saw complete consternation, complete denial of reality; complete ignorance of reality! Which reflects, the governments of the world are not in reality. They're in a fantasy-land. And the time has come, when it's all coming down. Unless we can reverse it, and it can be reversed, by the right decision: Fire Obama! Get him out of there! We have all the grounds for doing so! If we don't get him out of there, you will not find a political force capable of removing him and removing his policy. If you don't throw him out, no United States! That's where it stands. He has to be thrown out now, and there are the grounds for doing so are several procedures exist; that's where we stand.
Which means there's a change in thinking, among the political forces, the leading political forces, in the United States, among other places, as well as in Europe. And it has to be a change, from what they think. It will not be a negotiation with them, on compromise! There is no compromise. Glass-Steagall is indispensable, it is not the solution: It's the precondition for the solution! And the precondition is to junk, entirely, the so-called Green movement. That's the problem. The Green movement what's killing us, it's killing humanity. If you don't throw the Green movement out, if you don't throw Obama out now, you're not going to have civilization!
So, you don't have a right to negotiate this, because if you don't come up with the right answer, there's no civilization. Therefore, if you don't agree with what I'm indicating has to be done, your ideas are worthless; you're self-doomed by your own folly. It's come to that point: The habits you've acquired, the people out there, the habits they've acquired are the thing, that dooms them. And it's those habits, that kind of thinking, which must be thrown out the window, to get back to the American System, and what the American System represented under Roosevelt and similar kinds of leaders. Without doing that now, without cleaning up the act, now, in that way, there's no chance: You've come to the end of the line, and the decisions you make now will be either salvation or doom. Hmm?
ALICIA CERRETANI: I think it's worth discussing that it's the denial of that particular reality that is defining our situation. It's the denial, it's not any of the particular events that you've just described, because those are ongoing, those are happening: that's our world today. But it's the denial of those facts —
CERRETANI: And what's interesting — it's interesting, I was thinking, what is leadership? How are we going to get out of this? What strategic insights do you need? And it's actually right there in front of you. Because one of our greatest problems, is that you have a generation of people, like you said, who don't want to face reality. And the degree to which you isolate that as a generational phenomenon, that that's not all of mankind, that's not all cultures across the planet: It's a very specific, well-engineered, deployed design of a generation in Europe and the United States, to deny reality. If you understand that as a phenomenon, then you can have a better grip on it. And you also have a strategic sense of what's happening to us right now.
Because it's obvious we're in a breakdown crisis: You look at the situation in Africa, the Horn of Africa, that situation is spreading; it's now going to get better. No one's doing anything that that's going to improve that situation. If you look at the situation in the trans-Atlantic system, the governments, the bailouts, the collapse of the commercial, investment banking systems, nothing's being done right now, to improve that.
Everybody knows that; it's only the denial of it, that you see in the headlines, which you see embedded in the way that's being discussed in leading government circles. It's the denial of that, that is sort of the smoke and mirrors, for the population to get a grip on it. And to the degree that — you know, it's kind of funny, we've got them, now, because if people want to deny that, if the Baby-Boomer generation wants to deny that and say "that's not true," then bring on the nuclear power, abolish environmentalism, go for Glass-Steagall.
If it's not true, if that characterization is wrong, then let's deal with reality, because it's here. Our generation wants to deal with reality; your generation wants to deal with reality. As you've defined what mankind is, more articulately over the last couple of weeks specifically, and what the Basement is doing to define the role of mankind in this whole development of evolutionary biology in the history of the planet, you say, "Okay, are you going to deny that? Because if you're going to deny that, then that's our problem. Now, if you're not going to deny that, then let's go, let's move! Let's move now, on the kinds of policies that fit the reality that everybody else on the planet knows is engulfing them."
LAROUCHE: Well, it's very simple, you have two things, as steering points to go by. On the one side, you have the need to simply — Glass-Steagall, which means that you have to throw this President out of office. And I mean, throw him out! We have all the legal, constitutional bases, for throwing this guy out! If you don't have the guts to throw him out, you've written off civilization. Because it was the submission of the United States to the British Empire, which happened with this last batch of fascist doctrine, by Obama, the fascist reorganization of the Congress, the members of the Congress! And anyone who supports Obama is now a fascist in fact! And should be called that, as a fascist, in fact. Because if he remains President, with the influence his supporters have, the United States is doomed! The people of the United States are doomed! We have no right to keep him as President! He has no right to be President! He's betrayed the country, he's guilty of really, high treason against the United States, in addition to other violations of our Constitution.
If we don't have the guts to throw him out, we're going to lose civilization. And most of the people in this nation are going to die, at an accelerating rate, very rapidly, as a result of the failure to throw him out! And anyone who's not talking about throwing him out, is not in the real world. It's obvious how this thing works! And that's where we stand in this.
What we need is, in addition to restoration of Glass-Steagall, which means we're going to throw the whole banking system, that's not qualified under Glass-Steagall, is going to disappear. They're going to go off by themselves, they're going to try to figure out how they're going to pay off the worthless debt they have. Most of these banks will disappear: No loss to humanity, at all in their disappearing.
What we have to do, then, is we have to launch real production. First of all, get rid of the Greenies, just roughshod over them! Our lives are endangered by the existence of the Greenie movement. It's insane, it's suicidal, get rid of it! Save the nation. Get back to a Franklin Roosevelt kind of constitutional democracy: That'll work.
All right: We put Glass-Steagall into effect. We will have cancelled most of the nominal debt of the United States as such, be cancelled! Absolutely gone!
So therefore, we now have the ability, using our Constitution, which is a credit system, not a monetarist system, we can use that immediately, to launch a mass of credit, from the U.S. Treasury, essentially, which will then be applied in two ways: As government projects, funding of credit for government projects. You know, for example, NAWAPA will be at the top of the list in terms of our objectives. Because that kind of change in our environment is what we need in order to get the revival we want.
We will extend NAWAPA, as is already planned by our discussions of this process of NAWAPA, we will actually have a change in the character of the entire continent of the United States, in terms of water management and the effects of that. And that will be the great driver project, which will make everything else possible. And we have to start from that approach.
We can launch employment in the ordinary way: The things that have been broken down, that have to be fixed, so part of the credit we'll generate will be gone for those kinds of things. We've got to put the firemen back in business, the firefighters; we've got to put the proper police force back in shape. We've got to do these kinds of things, that's a cost. We have to improve education, that's a cost. But the main driver is these reconstruction efforts. As what the Franklin Roosevelt Administration did. The same kind of thing, we're going to have to do, on a larger scale and a more dramatic scale. But it's going to be the same thing in effect.
We're going to work with other countries. We're going to have new relations with China, with India, with other countries. We're going to rebuild Africa, as an international effort. And these things will carry us in, to the extent of your generation in life. We have to launch it now, in my generation, while I'm still around to push it.
CERRETANI: Yes, let me ask you this. I was looking at Von der Heydte's book on Modern Irregular Warfare, which was published a couple of decades ago. And I don't want to mischaracterize what's happening right now, as a general, broad stroke; but I want to know, because he begins the book by talking about Vietnam, the Vietnam War as a very good example of modern irregular warfare of a great power. And if you want to think about history, honestly, and you want to think about a continuation of history, honestly, from your generation to ours, you have to think, well, what has characterized that history? What is the shape of that space? And my question is, can you say, after World War II was finished, having a nuclear war, a classical war was not really an option any more, because it would just lead to the whole planet blowing up. They tried it, but.
So, the people didn't just pack up their tents and go home: There were imperial powers, the same imperial powers that launched World War I and World War II, how were they going to continue? What were the means to their end? And I'm wondering, if it's as simple to say, that we still are — we really still are at war with these same powers: The means are different, the end is the same?
LAROUCHE: What you really touched upon, is, my life in the postwar world, post-World War II period. That contrary to what is generally known, I've played a very significant role, of leadership, especially from the period during the 1950s, on. It started with my success in terms of the economic forecasting. I've been the most successful economic forecaster in the entire postwar period, and that has had ramifications.
It led to, more significantly, something in the 1970s, when I was part of the movement for the Fusion Energy Foundation, and launched, on my own tendencies — I do that, you know — I launched what became known as the SDI. The SDI attracted senior people in our intelligence community, from the World War II period; these were mostly World War II leaders in the intelligence service, that is the pro-American, as opposed to the pro-British, intelligence service, during that period. When I launched the idea, and began the negotiations on what became known as the SDI, a number of people, including the man who was to become the head of our intelligence service. And so, they came over to me. I've had people from various parts of the world, from Argentina, from Italy; the military forces of Italy were supporting me, allied with me — they were so-called "retired," but military never retires; the French military, the German military. And we had heavy negotiation with the Soviet Union, the Soviet leadership.
So I was shaping, at this point, going into what happened with the SDI, I was shaping the world policies. And I've continued to do so, from a certain funny, backseat somewhere, pulling the strings. And I'm still doing it, less so than before.
So, when I talk about solutions, I'm not talking about something distant that I project in the imagination. I'm talking about the things, I'm actually directly involved in. And some of us understand these things, and we have our own way of dealing with these things. It may seem the majority is going the other way, but the majority's a failure! So who wants to be part of the majority today? It's a failure, you have to push them out of the way, they're not competent! Our government people — there are a few people in the government, the Senate and so forth, I know, who are competent; they're perfectly competent at what they do and what their special is. But the majority of the so-called "accepted" politicians are really just nothing but incompetents. And that's what I've been fighting, in my role of backroom leadership, for all this time.
So when I make a proposal of this type, I'm proposing what I know can be done, because I'm the guy that's going to have to do it, along with some other people who will work with me. And therefore, we've come to the time where, Joe out there, who thought he could run the United States, just has to sort of retire, and retire to a lower position. Because the kind of people that I represent are the only people, who are really capable, of carrying this out. Most of us are fairly old, now; I'm not the youngest person in the world. But we know how to do it.
And people, if they want to survive, they have to come into our camp. We can save them,— not "we," but if they will work with us, we can save them. We have the ideas, we have the knowledge. I've never been an obscure person in this nation, since 1956-57, I've always been a prominent person from behind the scenes, sometimes prominently as I was with SDI for a time. I was the one creator of SDI, the others joined me, other nations.
We're in that time, again. So, when I say we can save this nation, we can save this world, I know it. I know it. In a case like this, I have to exert that authority, that personal authority. Because, they're asking, "who is going to lead us from this thing?" It's going to be people like me, initially older people, who are in their last lurch in life, and that's how it's going to work. All these ideas, of dreams, you've got an idea which is accepted by somebody that that's going to make it work, is bunk!
History doesn't work that way. History either works badly, or it works under knowing people who have a depth, a multigenerational depth of knowledge, experienced with a challenge of leadership, know how to organize things, get them done, get the job done; and what I'm doing, essentially, with the youth operation we're doing, is exactly that. It's a generation which has within it, elements which can take over the future. Which is what he's and you are doing: Take over the future of mankind. And our job, is to break the thing open, so you can take over. And then you can develop — to develop the capacity, to do what has to be done. Which is why I'm associated with you, and him, and others like us. And that's the answer.
There is no magic formula out there. There's an insight into principles, and some of us don't believe in free trade, don't believe in this nonsense, the gobbledygook nonsense.
And the time has come, that I presented the case, yesterday; when I saw the reaction, it just affirms, that prominent people in government, have no comprehension of what the problem is they face. And we have to step in, and insist that they pay attention. It's the only chance. And there are people out there who are willing to do that, willing to come along with us on that. So we have to take the leadership, you have my backing on the leadership question, and with that arrangement, we can win. It's the only chance we have.
But we have now, for example, in Russia, we have a sudden change, not completely, but a sudden change of great importance in Russia: There is now a spirit of optimism coming from a faction in Russia. It's one of the few important reversals of backwardness, on the planet so far in recent years. Russia has been going down, ever since the collapse of the Soviet Union. But now, there's a spirit to come up and we find it among Russian scientists, real scientists, not the British type, but the real scientists.
Like we've seen, when we had our meeting in Germany, and these were real scientists, who understood what they're doing. And we have to bring into play the real scientists, who are now, often sitting on the sidelines, almost gathering dust. They are the ones who "can do"; they are the ones who can design. They are the one understand now what we have to do! And so we have something there.
We have something good in China, as well; good in other countries. We have to bring these factors, which can be found distributed among many nations, and bring them together as a force. We can do it. We have to do it. If we can't succeed in doing it, mankind is doomed. There are no simple "Buck Rogers" solutions, in a crisis like this.
CERRETANI: Good, 'cause I don't even know who that is. [laughter]
LAROUCHE: That's where we stand. That's the issue. That's what the two of you typify, is the potential for assuming the responsibility, for continuing what you are studying now, and what you are beginning to do now, fight now, in the continuation as the transition, from the time I pass from this scene, to the time you've taken over.
CERRETANI: Yeah, I actually want to ask Sky, if — this is a discussion we've been having, the reference point being something like what Vannevar Bush did, working with Roosevelt before, and his role after the war. But you have made the point that, under Apollo and under Franklin Roosevelt, was the two points in the country, when a lot of the scientific work in the country was best organized, where you actually had a top-down approach to it. And that is, not in part, but that is exactly what we want to do now, what we have to do now: Where I don't care, really, who you are right now in the United States, whether you think you're an economist, whether you think you're a professor of history, you know, whoever you associate with, at this point, you have to sort of becoming an expert in what mankind is as a species. Because we're going to need everybody to have a certain proficiency in exactly what you've been discussing from a scientific standpoint, if we're going to prepare to defend the species, in the event of an extinction event.
So I'm just curious, from you, how exactly it's working, how it could work. Because, you know, people can be pessimistic and say, "Okay, these people in the government in the United States, these people in the government in Europe." But the fact of the matter is, it's not working. And there's something that has to work, and I'm just getting a sense of how we are setting it into motion.
SKY SHIELDS: You're right, that this has worked; there are very clear things in the past that have worked. What we're doing right now, doesn't function.
But yeah, if you look what we had under Roosevelt, you look what we had under Kennedy, they were, even admittedly by the people who were there, these were brief glimpses of what we could do as a matter of course. They're brief glimpses, where they were exceptional for the time. You sort of got them, as we've been using the phrase, they're "precursors" of a state of humanity that could exist.
You saw it under Roosevelt, you saw a blip. And Vannevar Bush, he sort of does — what was organized as this unified, scientific operation at that time, directed around a mission of the betterment of mankind, you're really trying to move a nation, you're trying to push for the further development of the human species. And then, around that, suddenly, you saw everybody become more productive. 'Cause you don't have these little isolated projects, these little isolated bits of research, but you've got a real mission; everybody's contributing to it, and you have this dialogue, back and forth, and the people who are the real thinkers, who might otherwise have been relegated to the fringe, are suddenly brought into the center, to behave productively.
The same thing you saw around the Apollo program: These people who would have been fringe otherwise, the people who were saying, "Look, we could have a space program: We can make it to the Moon, we can make it beyond." Suddenly, you bring them into the center, in a dialogue, and you've got massive productivity. And then you can filter that kind of optimism out to the population. That those should not be exceptional cases. That should be as a matter of course, what we do as a species. That's what moves us forward. Everything else is just sort of extra, in the way that everything else is the in-between, is what lies in between those moments. People point it out that to this day, we're still reaping the benefits from what you had launched under Apollo.
We survive to this day, because of what happened under Apollo and what happened under Roosevelt. We're living now, off of those social structures; we're living now off of those economic structures.
What we're saying right now, I'm incredibly excited about, is, we're pulling together — not, as you're saying, we're not talking about just pie-in-the-sky plans for the future, how we'd do this: We should make a call, I think, now, to say that, "We're assembling that team, right now, as we speak." If people have been watching the website in the recent period, and you've seen some of the recent discussions that we've had, of these really impressive scientific thinkers, who just are not put in the central role that they should be, you see them gravitating towards us. And people look around right now, there's a number of interviews that have popped up recently and will be popping up in the next few days, where this discussion is happening.
And I'd like to make a call now, that there's a lot of people right now, who are underemployed, a lot of thinkers right now; we're losing a capability because of what Obama's done to NASA, and it would be good to bring those people — come to us, now; work with us, to build this nation the way it ought to be.
LAROUCHE: You're being too modest.
SHIELDS: Okay! [laughs]
LAROUCHE: The point is — I was saying it quite seriously: Because, there are — we're in a non-scientific culture. We have been in a non-scientific culture. Actual, competent science has been the exception. The great scientists have generally been like Einstein, put on the edge, around the rim. Most people have no idea, who were trained in science, have no idea what science is. They think they've learned systems and procedures, that are science. They think what they've learned in a university is science; it's not! Because, most people have no idea what science is!
You can go back, Plato had a better understanding than most people today, of what science is. It's the understanding of what the creative mind is. In other words, science is not something you could "learn." Science is something you have to give birth to: You don't learn it, you give birth to it.
In the United States today, we don't have science! The universities don't teach science! They teach systems and procedures, not science.
Science is a revolution in the way mankind — for example, put it this way: Man is the only creature, known to us, in this universe so far, which is actually capable of scientific thinking. Only mankind. Because it means the discovery of principles. What? No animal can think scientifically, no animal. No one who thinks like an animal can think. No one who believes in typically what's taught today, Liberalism, has no idea what science is.
Science is what? Mankind is unique in a quality which we call creativity. And that's creativity, which comes as if out of nothing. From the standpoint of mathematics and so forth, creativity comes out of nothing. But then you have to say, what's the principle involved? Because science controls the destiny of mankind. So how can it be a nothing? And yet, you can't find it in the textbook. You find how to train a seal or something, you get that.
But mankind's creativity is unique to mankind, and it involves the discovery of new principles; it takes us into areas of fact which most people don't even know exist. And therefore, because we are in a reductionist society, which believes in the pleasure/pain principle, we always try to find a mechanical solution which does not require actual reactivity, actually creative insight. And therefore, many people who succeed, succeed like monkeys; they're trained. And they're trained to behave successfully.
And they are successful, but they don't create new states of nature. The whole idea of what creativity is, true human creativity is, is the one thing that is not taught in universities, it's the one thing that's rejected by universities, mostly. Only a few people, who are considered cranks and whatnot, really understand science. And it's that thing which is not accepted, on which the future of mankind now depends.
SHIELDS: Right, always.
LAROUCHE: And you know it, I know it, she knows it: That it's something which is outside normal so-called add-and-subtract thinking.
SHIELDS: Yeah. That's the definition of anti-entropy, that creativity.
LAROUCHE: That's your responsibility! 'Cause I'm not going to be around here many more years! Hmm? And there are very few people like me, left in this universe, right now. So we have to engender, the development of a new generation, which gets into your department, — a new generation which is capable of enabling man to understand what human creativity is. And now we don't have it. Virtually none of us, or just a handful of us know what that is. And you know that.
You know it from a different standpoint, but it's the same thing.
And therefore, we have to enter the period where mankind actually reigns as a creative creature, and we have to take the initial steps to bring that condition forth, in the society. And you, your generation has to fulfill the responsibility of making the principles of discovery known in society, and practiced in society. Which the present generation otherwise can't do; there are only a few of us who still understand that.
When you start to give a lecture on science, in any university setting, you find out, really quickly, what that's all about. You get the questions you get, and so forth: Complete lack of comprehension of what creativity is!
SHIELDS: Right, if not absolute rage.
LAROUCHE: No, this is not a thing, this is not an "object," which you can say, "it's out there!" It's not an object you could pick, that's "out there." It has to be inside you. If it's not inside you, it's not going to work. It's just chatter.
And therefore, what I can do, with what I know, is define the opportunity. I will not live long enough, to fulfill the opportunity. You have to qualify, and people like you, have to qualify, to fill the gap. And you can succeed. The questions you're asking me, the questions you're posing in general, typify that; the questions she's posing to me, and others, typify that.
There are people, such as you — you, two, — who exemplify a generation, which has to take over! We have to make the breakthrough, by which you can take over, but you have to take over.
And so, it's in the creative powers of the individual, which can not be mapped mathematically, or by accountants. It's the passion, of scientific discovery, the passion of the experience of artistic insight and discovery: These are the qualities which are required. If you have that, you can learn anything.
CERRETANI: Yeah. If people want to be a scientist, then destroy environmentalism. If our generation does anything right now, if the people watching, that are our age, they want really make a place in history, these are the bottom, base terms we can do it: Destroy environmentalism; understand what the Baby-Boomer generation was, as a phenomenon in history; understand it as a deployment against the upward progress of man in history; there is a science to keeping the human species alive!
LAROUCHE: The key thing is, what you're doing with science, and what we're doing otherwise, what you're doing is you're challenging what you have contempt for in yourself. You're challenging the fact that you have been corrupted, and you're angry about having been corrupted! You want to get rid of this thing, this thing of guilt, and you know the only way you can really, honestly get free of the guilt is by actually freeing yourself of the garbage, that was dumped on you in the educational and similar processes.
So, it's a very personalized commitment, to changing society in that respect, which you have to take over. I've been devoted to that for a long time. And I'm getting older; I'm not going to be around much longer. Therefore, you typify people who are going to have to fight this in themselves, as well as among themselves, in order to fight a way off the garbage, achieve a true insight into what creativity is. And all I can do is usher in the opportunity to you: And it's you that are going to decide whether we succeed or not, because you have to carry the ball.
I can introduce you to it. It can give you lots of things about it. But I'm limited. I'm getting a little bit older. Now, it comes to you. And it comes to people like you, who will accept that responsibility of leadership.
SHIELDS: That's quite a mission. But I think, facing the alternative, it's definitely the more desirable one.
LAROUCHE: Your contempt for the opposite —
SHIELDS: Yes! That's it exactly! [laughs]
LAROUCHE: Contempt for things you don't want to be part of any more, right?
CERRETANI: Both are dramatic. One just has a much better outcome.
LAROUCHE: No, life is a matter of successive generations, and the creativity of successive generations, which belong to these successive generations. And it's that process, that process of ongoing creativity, which makes it work, it's the devotion to that. And it's like, when at any time, we make a discovery of principle, in art, Classical artistic composition, or in physical science, whenever we make such a discovery, we are breaking through! We're breaking through.
And like all the people who've made discoveries, who've died, each of them in this society, as long as this society is dedicated to progress, that everything we're doing, every step we make, honors us, as models who will die soon enough, we're honored by that! We're honored by the fact that we participate in a process which lives beyond us, which is the true role of mankind in society. And when we can think of ourselves in that way, we understand ourselves, and we're happy in being what we are: And that's the force, that's what has to be evoked.
Nothing else will work, not now. This is it. The party that existed, is now over! And mankind has to grow up to reality.
CERRETANI: You should tell the Boomers, "You don't have to go home, but you can't stay here!" [laughter] "Party's over."
LAROUCHE: Exactly! Well, we can do well. We've come to a point of crisis, which demands attention to what we have to say. They don't pay attention to what we have to say, we're doomed, and they are too. So therefore, we have to fight, — not make a few "improvements" — fight! Change this! Mankind's very existence is now in mortal danger. And if we don't change things now, there's not much hope for mankind. We've got to accept that fact, — and change our ways accordingly.
There's hope, then. Without that, there is no hope. I'm an old warrior, I know about this sort of thing! That's why people like me exist, and we keep ourselves alive, because we have that mission in life. And we look for our successors. And we work for our successors, that's the way it keeps going.
Now, I think we have among us, a certain essential devotion to goodness, and that's really what binds us together, as collaborators in the same effort. It's our desire for our own goodness, that moves us. I can't think of any better motive.
CERRETANI: I don't think there is.
LAROUCHE: Good: Then we can agree on that. Fun. [laughs]
HOEFLE: All right. Well, that wraps up the show for this week. If you want hope, you have to dump Obama, so let's get on that. Thank you.