British Controlled Freemasonic-like Order is Behind ISIS Success in Iraq
June 17, 2014 • 1:44PM

When Mosul was under attack last week, the defending Iraqi troops received orders from their commanders to shed their uniforms and hand over their weapons to the attackers. The same thing is reported when Tikrit was attacked later. And an old Saddam Hussein-Ba'athist was appointed governor of Mosul after ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria) supposedly took it.

Moreover, veteran U.S. military intelligence official Pat Lang has pointed on his website to the skilled maneuvers of the ISIS army in Iraq, and attributed them to some of the experienced Ba'athist generals who served under Saddam Hussein. In the first rank, he attributes them to Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri, formerly Saddam's Vice-President and his close companion from at least the early 1960s, who is now the head of the "Army of the Men of the Naqshbandi Order," or in Arabic, Jaish Rijal Al-Tariqah Al-Naqshbandia or JRTN.

The Naqshbandi Order is a Sufi Order connected to dervishism, of which more later. Among Iraqi Arabs, it was a sort of freemasonry which collaborated with the British colonialists.

One well-informed writer on JRTN is Alaa al-Lami, who writes for Al-Akhbar in Lebanon. On June 14, he wrote: "What happened in Mosul was a special kind of military coup that the faction led by Izzat Ibrahim al-Douri had been working on silently, patiently, and cunningly for a long time, until it finally managed to plant a complex and formidable network of former officers who had been excluded during the de-Ba'athification from the military, in favor of more favored officers according to the sectarian quota system, especially in the provinces of Nineveh and Salah al-Din. ISIS was used as a husk in which their move was embedded, in order to terrorize their opponents, as part of a cynical nihilistic alliance."

Another such expert is Michael Knights, a British fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (WINEP). Exactly three years ago, Knights wrote "The JRTN Movement and Iraq's Next Insurgency." There he said:

"When JRTN formally announced its establishment after Saddam Hussein's execution on December 30, 2006, the movement was initially a subject of curiosity because of its apparent connection to the Naqshbandi order of Sufi Islam. In fact, JRTN's adoption of Naqshbandi motifs reflected patronage networks that coalesced during Saddam's rule. In northern Iraq, the Naqshbandi order had many adherents, both Arab and Kurdish, but the most politically significant strand of the movement were Arabs who pragmatically collaborated with the Ottoman Empire, the British Mandate and later the various Iraqi governments. According to Iraqi expert Professor Amatzia Baram, this Arab strand of Iraq's Naqshbandis used the movement as a political and business fellowship—perhaps similar to freemasonry—to advance their joint interests."

It is of interest that the British authors of the two Chechen wars of 20th-century Russia, such as Alexander Bennigsen, also looked to the Naqshbandi order, along with other Sufi orders, as tools to bring them about.

After the killing of Saddam in 2006, al-Douri began to split the New Ba'ath Party. His faction, JRTN a/k/a HCJL, "blended Iraqi nationalism, protection of the Sunna (Iraq's Sunni Arabs), and orthodox Islamic themes.... Estimates concerning the size of JRTN range from 1,500 to 5,000 members, but these figures do little to improve understanding of the concentric circles of involvement in such a movement. According to multiple accounts, JRTN appears to have a small core of permanent members by design; outside of a compact national leadership, the only card-carrying members appear to be a cadre of facilitators, financiers, intelligence officers and trainers."

- There's Violence, and Then, There's Violence -

Note the prominence of Operational Security. "JRTN prefers to use former members of the elite military units such as the Special Republican Guard or Republican Guard as operational affiliates. Candidates are identified by personal recommendations, and vetting is undertaken through former regime networks. Training programs are used to refresh military skills and discipline, including extended '90-day' courses where recruits are subjected to physical abuse by former warrant officers.

"JRTN also appears to fully outsource some commissioned attacks to existing insurgent movements. In some cases, these are the remnants of formerly significant insurgent groups like Jaysh al-Islami, Hamas al-Iraq, Ansar al-Sunna and Jaysh Muhammad. The foot soldiers of these movements are often not informed by their leaders that JRTN contracted their services. Some facilitators used by JRTN have operated with Ansar al-Sunna or AQI previously. This tactical co-mingling of groups is noted in numerous accounts. JRTN appears to employ AQI [now called ISIS or ISIL] to undertake deniable attacks on Iraqis, particularly civilian targets."

JRTN's stated policy of only attacking the occupiers, and not the local population, made it one of the least "interfered with" terrorist groupings, Knights wrote, and earned it sympathetic treatment by some parts of the Iraqi security forces and judiciary. But the reality is that its attacks on other Iraqis have simply been farmed out to the jihadi groups.

In a 2010 paper, "The Next Insurgency: Ba'athists and Salafis Pool Resources To Fight Iraqi Government," Knights wrote, "The kind of violence that matters — the targeted terror that changes the minds of many more people than are directly maimed — is on the increase. And the carefully parsed use of terror and intimidation for organizational profit — so different from the restless and self-defeating violence of Al-Qaida in Iraq [AQI, now ISIS/ISIL] — is deeply reminiscent of the Ba'ath Party.... Sunni insurgent movements have largely moved away from the use of vehicle bombs against civilian targets to collectively punish and intimidate Sunni communities. Instead, such groups are attempting to rebuild operational sanctuaries and recruitment areas using more selective tools such as 'night letters' (warnings), assassination and bribery targeted on key community leaders and security force members."

In Knights' account, JRTN seems to have plenty of money,— enough to put many cooperative police and military officials on its own payroll, so that they proverbially receive "two paychecks" instead of one. It also has the money to hire ISIS and other groups to conduct bombings and murders on behalf of JRTN. And all this without extorting protection money from stores and businesses as the other groups do. Some say it comes from Jordanian intelligence, which is another way of saying it comes from London.