The following report may come to be considered by some among the world's leading circles of today, as the most important political document you have read, or might have read, during your lifetime to date. Certainly, the strategic issues presented here provide what would have been heretofore the most important subject in the world's historical experience of modern European civilization.
You stand here and now, in this moment of world history, between the hope of Heaven and prospect of Hell, such as you have never even dreamed before.
However matters of that sort, with which we deal in this report, are to be seen, it were suitable that there be no harsh battle-cries, but that what must be said, is said in those quiet tones of deadly earnest used by the commanders of the troops on the early morning of the day the greatest war was to begin. It is not the wild passions of the drunken mob, but the chillingly quiet cadences with which the cavalry man steadies his mount, and commanders calm their charges at times when the unthinkable is, at last, finally, actually to begin.
Therefore, as I have just promised you that I would, I speak calmly of things which men should remember in the aftermath of the great battle now coming on. Read these words calmly, that you might read them with an open mind. For, if you can accept calmly the reality of what I report to you here, we were all more likely to make the decisions through which we survive this presently oncoming general breakdown-crisis of present society, world wide.
That celebrated daughter of the once-famous Bund, Rosa Luxemburg, was, without doubt, the most competent economist, scholarly or otherwise, among her socialist contemporaries: the best such, by far. Although she is almost forgotten in today's academic and political life, her uniquely original, and correct treatment of the subject of British imperialism, then, comes now to the surface of current world-crisis events, on the verge of the November 4th U.S. Presidential election, when our planet as a whole now careens, at accelerating speeds, into what threatens to become a world-wide plunge of the entire planet into a deeper new dark age than that of Europe's 14th Century.
The relevance of Rosa's Luxemburg's study of modern imperialism then, is to be presently located by us here as, in the fact, that, to understand the present crisis of world civilization, we must recognize two considerations. First, that this present world crisis is a product of a current influence exerted by the same British-imperialist enemies of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, and by Britain's own U.S. and other sympathizers which had been mobilized against Roosevelt beginning Summer 1944, by virtual enemies including Winston Churchill accomplice, and President Harry S Truman. Second, that succession of changes in U.S. policy made by British influence of variously corrupt, or stupid, leading U.S. figures since the death of Franklin Roosevelt, especially following the riotous Weatherman-terrorist events of the 1968-70 period. Those events reflect the changes which, have induced all U.S. Presidential administrations since 1971 to either promote, or lack the temper to resist, a state of affairs, inside the U.S.A. itself, in which the net physical output of the U.S. economy as a whole, has been shrinking at a generally accelerating net rate, between gains and losses, over the entire interval spanning U.S. fiscal year 1967-68 to the present date.
The relevance of Rosa Luxemburg's work for the times of today's crisis, is to be found in the result of those British-imperialist-directed attacks against the policies of U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt, which are expressed today as having been the careening of the economy of the entire planet into the present condition of a general breakdown-crisis of the entire world monetary and physical-economic systems. If that physical-economic situation were not to be turned around—very soon—the period following the November 4, 2008 U.S. general election could be the clarion for the collapse of the economies of all nations of the planet of a type similar to, but far, far worse than that which Europe experienced during that Fourteenth-Century New Dark Age, a New Dark Age during which the number of parishes of Europe shrank by half, the population of Europe was quickly reduced by one third, and the Black Death was the characteristic cultural feature of the decades following the official bankruptcy of the King of England.1Cf. Barbara Tuchman, A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous 14th Century (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978). This time, if that dark age looming on your doorstep is actually unleashed, the result will be one far, far worse than what happened to Europe during that previous European New Dark Age.
On account of this issue of British imperialism today, Rosa Luxemburg stands out still, in fact, as apart from and above a presently reigning generation of both most economists, and the academics in the field of so- called "political science" and law generally, or the generality of leading political figures today. This includes nearly all recent or present candidates for U.S. President, none of whom has a grasp of the notion of history as a process, rather than merely a sequence of selected events whose outcomes might be bought and sold to the highest bidder today.
As the consistent decline of the U.S. physical economy since 1968 attests, only a few among us, internationally, and, chiefly, only of my generation or a relatively fewer of the immediately younger generation today, stand out as being, even rarely, exceptions to today's general rule of incompetence in the shaping of the economic policies of nations of the world today. Her 1913 Accumulation of Capital, whose English-language translation was published by Monthly Review back in 1951, is remarkable in that it provided the English-speaking reader a uniquely scientific approach to the subject of modern imperialism, relative to other European sources. It therefore deserves recognition today as a starting-point provided by a competently professional historian, Luxemburg herself, for the understanding of the origins of the general, global economic breakdown-crisis currently in progress, today.2Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1951).
So, let the following be said, and received as an appropriate introduction to the great, rapidly soaring crisis of world economy which we must address, with the highest degree of authority, now.
Rosa Luxemburg was the socialist economist who proved that Russia's V.I. Lenin, as also the German Social-Democracy of that time, lacked comprehension of the real-life meaning of what is called modern imperialism. Her only rival in competence as a leading economist from among socialists, during her time, was France's Jaurès.
In my own personal experience, it was in my post-war engagement, as a U.S. soldier, in 1946 Calcutta, during the first half of that year, that a high density of initial meetings and repeated encounters with typical leaders and others of the political parties of India, afforded me a deep, well grounded insight into the cruelly, and mass-murderously raw nature of British imperialism, and my deep, justly existential quality of contempt for the British imperialist stooge back home, that Harry S Truman who succeeded our justly beloved, devoutly anti-imperialist President Franklin Roosevelt.
However, it was not until the U.S. State Department professional, Herbert Feis,3Herbert Feis, Europe the World's Banker, 1870-1914 (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1930). documented the case for this same argument on the subject of modern imperialism, by Rosa Luxemburg, that any well known economic historian had actually developed the publicly available, rounded, corroborative evidence, publicly, in depth, which showed that Rosa Luxemburg had been right, against her socialist rivals, and others, then, as now.
Similarly, at present, the popular, but utterly incompetent notion, among professed socialists and others, that the U.S.A. "is the world's leading imperialism today," is not only an utterly wrong idea, but a belief which could be presently suicidal in actual practice for nations such as both the U.S.A. and Russia, and others, today. Nonetheless, that wrong idea is a belief among many leading economists and statesmen, throughout the world, who cling stubbornly to the notion of American imperialism, still today. Thus, the world is presently menaced by the effects upon the credulous, of that strategic delusion, the delusion that it is the U.S.A., rather than the British Empire's Anglo-Dutch Liberal system, which is, uniquely, the dominant, actually imperialist strategic force operating throughout the planet today. Indeed, each of the impassioned haters of the U.S.A. among even our citizens, and others abroad, even leading political figures, is a product of the fact that they are virtually, either unwitting, or more or less witting British agents against our United States, whether they are able to grasp that fact, or not. A similar delusion is met among many in Russia, still today.
As I indicate later in this present report, the term imperialism, competently employed, never corresponds to an extension of world-power by some particular nation-state. In reality, as distinct from the childish fairy-tales of the credulous, all empires are dynamically supranational, and the kingdoms or comparable states of that time are merely, in and of themselves, the subjects of some supranational, imperialist power, as that relationship is illustrated by the thrust toward the condition in western and central Europe under which the supra-national authority of supra-national government, such as "globalization" and "free trade" generally, or the World Trade Organization in particular, subordinates, or even replaces actual national sovereignties.
Fighting the wrong choice of enemy, especially in the wrong war, especially long wars according to designs tailored for the U.S.A. by London, or British agents-in-fact such as former President George H.W. Bush, the son of the Prescott Bush who moved funds to bail out Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party, most especially, perpetual wars, is the best way to get one's own nation destroyed, as we should recognize this factor in the effects of the long U.S. war in Vietnam, under Presidents Johnson and Nixon, then, or, now in Iraq, under Presidents Bush, father and son, since January 1989.4Only a modern fool fights to win a war; sane and moral nations and leaders fight to win a common peace, briefly, and one beneficial to friend and foe alike.
It is the legacy of that chief adversary of the present world's British imperialism, the constitutional United States, since the crucial historical break of the February 1763 Peace of Paris, and also the legacy of Massachusetts' Winthrops and Mathers, and their political heir Benjamin Franklin: that United States remains the most effective force so far, even despite the two U.S. Presidents Bush, to secure the true freedom of nations from so-called "British" imperialism of today.
The legacy of Benjamin Franklin's leading role in crafting the constitutional U.S. republic in its essential character, remains, still, the leading, constitutional adversary of the world's only true empire of today, the Anglo-Dutch Liberal empire sprung from the tradition of Paolo Sarpi. At the least, this is true of our United States to the degree it has, repeatedly, represented, as under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, the rallying-point of peoples of the world against what has been the leading traditional opponent, British imperialism, since February 1763.
Our United States has never been an imperialist nation in its national character, and has seldom acted in a way even resembling an imperialist power, except when the U.S. government was controlled by British influences such as our own American Tory party descended from such as that outright traitor and British Foreign Office agent U.S. Vice-President Aaron Burr, or, as under avowed virtual agent of British influence, President Harry S Truman, or was confronted by a multi-national adversary, such as, most frequently, the allies and agents of our republic's principal adversary in fact, the British empire itself.5Notable cases of U.S. Presidents and Vice-Presidents who shared the British imperialist outlook included, notably, Vice-President (and traitor) Aaron Burr, and Presidents van Buren, Polk, Theodore Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson, all of whom were British agents in fact. President Thomas Jefferson lacked the guts, at the relevant time, to bring about the indictment of an Aaron Burr whom the evidence available showed to have been an open agent of the British Foreign Office's Jeremy Bentham.
Today, the United States alone could not win the battle for its freedom from Anglo-Dutch Liberal imperialism. Since the death of President Franklin Roosevelt, and the ascendancy of that wretched defender of British colonialism, President Harry Truman, the power and practiced principle of our United States has been spoiled, that to such a degree that long since the accession of Truman, the U.S.A. has been chiefly self-ruined by a rarely interrupted succession of phases marked by the accession of Truman, the assassination of President John Kennedy, the break-up of the Bretton Woods system sought by London (on the initiative of the accomplices of British subversion of the U.S. administration of President Richard Nixon), and by those predatory, treasonous hordes of David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commission, the which were deployed in service of the same, pro-genocidal green fascism of the pro-genocidal World Wildlife Fund of Britain's Duke of Edinburgh (Prince Philip) and his leading, recently deceased partner, Nazi-SS veteran Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands.
That much said on background for the following report as a whole, turn, now, to the preface and, then, the main body of the report itself.
For reasons which shall be made clearer during the course of the present report's in-depth study of the causes, prevention, and cure of the presently ongoing general economic breakdown-crisis of our planet, there are immediately available prospects for a safe escape from the present crisis.
Notably, the present world financial-monetary system could not survive, and we of the U.S.A. would not survive, either, without entering into a new quality of co-operation with Russia and other nations during the immediate months ahead, a coalition sufficiently powerful in itself to crush the efforts of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal financier interest's efforts to destroy all of us together, by hanging each one among us separately. If those particular partners are divided, all mankind loses. In history, powerful alliances from among the predator's intended victims, often bring down the tyrant himself.
However, a new world economic system of respectively sovereign, "globalization-free," modern nation-states, must, and could be established, a system which would be entirely consistent with the original intention of such as Benjamin Franklin and Alexander Hamilton in the founding of our own U.S. Federal Republic. This would have nothing in common with the monetary-economic and related characteristics of the British (Anglo-Dutch Liberal) world empire and its presently Fabian roots in such locations of the essentially Fabian imperialist British Labour Party leadership of such as the author of the Iraq war and other, similar atrocities (by aid of both fraud and by the death of an honest British intelligence figure, Dr. David Kelly), Tony Blair, and of Baroness Liz Symons and her husband, and Gordon Brown today.
The outstanding significance of Russia as a U.S. partner in this global economic-recovery-program, can be found in relations between the two nations since the time of Catherine the Great's role in creating that League of Armed Neutrality on which the U.S.A.'s own freedom depended at that time. Similarly, when our republic's traditional imperialist adversary, the British Empire, rallied Napoleon III and the slaving-trading Spanish monarchy in the efforts to destroy us and Mexico, in 1861-65, it was the Russian navy which came to contribute crucial margins of aid to us, in deploying its naval force to guarantee the defense of our Pacific and Atlantic Coasts against an outright British naval attack.
However, there was a still deeper, common root of that relationship with Russia then; the connection was the common influence of Gottfried Leibniz in shaping the ideas on which our own economic development and the design of our Declaration of Independence depended, ideas which had influenced the Peter the Great who had visited Saxony's Freiberg Academy, both as Prince and Czar, during the same period of a few years as Leibniz's visit to the same place.
However, the role of Russia as a prospective key partner of the U.S.A. in any possible, global recovery of the present world's economy, has two additional leading features. First, that we and Russia have deeply rooted, long-standing, historical common interests between ourselves. Second, that Russia is, for historical reasons dating from the time of Genghis Khan, the world's principal Eurasian culture. Russia, together with a group of presently independent republics in the area of what had once been the Soviet Union, and imperial Russia earlier, is the gateway between the republican currents within the world's trans-Atlantic culture as extended to the land-mass of Asia as well.
The U.S.A. and Russia also share a common strategic interest in resisting the evil done by their chief common enemy, the British (or, better said, "Brutish") empire. The evil leading role of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the efforts of the Thatcher-Mitterrand-Bush plot to crush Germany, as through the Maastricht agreement, and also eastern Europe (including Russia), and the later deployment of the British royal yacht for the destruction of the then-existing government of Italy, from that time to the present date, are only typical of British imperialism's attitudes toward relations with its continental European neighbors.
The planet as a whole has been dominated, increasingly, by the systemic, trans-Atlantic conflict of principled interest between the English-speaking population of the U.S. and the imperialist interests centered in Britain, since about 1620. The establishment of the British monarchy and Anglo-Dutch Liberal financier-Liberal system through the so-called "Seven Years War" of 1755-1763, divided the patriots of English-speaking North America from Britain in a manner which has persisted in Britain's chosen role as the principal foe of the continued existence of what would become the U.S.A. of Benjamin Franklin et al. since the February 1763 Peace of Paris. It was that Peace of Paris which had established the British East India Company of Lord Shelburne et al. as that true, Anglo-Dutch Liberal imperial power which has remained, through all its own internal evolutions, as our own republic's most consistent enemy, from then to the present year's controlling role of British Foreign Office agents such as drug-lord George Soros in top-down control of the Democratic Party and its U.S. Presidential primaries and into the November general election.
Since February 1763, that Anglo-Dutch Liberal form of imperialist interest has been the principal continuing influence which has repeatedly ruined the efforts to develop viable systems of government on the continent of Europe.
From the time of the establishment of the British Foreign Office by the British East India Company's Lord Shelburne, in 1782,6This occurred under the British Rockingham government, but Lord Shelburne was already the power in that government, even prior to Shelburne's becoming Prime Minister on the occasion of Rockingham's death. The British Foreign Office, in which Shelburne's favorite Jeremy Bentham served as controller of the Office's Secret Committee—the one which organized and ran the French Revolution through British-run French and Savoyard freemasonic conspirators, did not represent the autonomous interests of the British monarchy at that time, or under Bentham and, later, his protégé and principal successor Lord Palmerston. the essential feature of British imperialism has never been the British colonies as such, but, rather, the overreach of the British East India Company of Lord Shelburne, Jeremy Bentham, et al., and the Company's Anglo-Dutch Liberal financier hierarchy, as extended throughout most of the planet as a whole. The legacy of the Seven Years War of 1755-63 stamped the character of the British imperial system since that time, a character to which it has returned in a clearly visible way, again and again, especially since the 1865 failure of its determination to break up the United States, a failure brought about through its defeat, with Russia's help, by forces under U.S. President Abraham Lincoln. This British defeat by Lincoln's republic, was a menacing defeat of what had been Britain's imperial policy under the British Foreign Office's Jeremy Bentham and Lord Palmerston, successively, the defeat of the British intention to isolate and destroy the U.S.A.'s continued existence as a potency within the Americas themselves.
Had the British not mobilized to incite warfare throughout Eurasia at that point, the British Empire—the Anglo-Dutch empire of usury—would have long since ceased to exist. The threat to end British imperial power, was a reflection of the adoption of the model of the American System of political-economy, whose influence, and imitations, had been spread from North America into continental Europe and beyond. Thus, from that moment, the U.S. influence's challenge to the tyranny of British sea-power, on which the British empire depended, became the so-called "geopolitical" issue around which the British Empire has repeatedly launched general warfare ever since, especially since the Prince of Wales succeeded in prompting the ejection of Chancellor Bismarck in 1890. Essentially, all important warfare on this planet since those times, has been an expression of the model of the so-called "geopolitical" conflict between the American republican and the British imperialist models of society.
British rage against President Lincoln was obviously the primary motive for the British intelligence services' assassination of President Lincoln, as also Presidents Garfield and McKinley, later—and these have not been the only cases; but, British imperialism's strategic interest in eliminating the U.S. republic as the most deadly challenger of continued British imperial power, as by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, has been primary. Assassinations, or corruption of the U.S.'s Presidency and legislatures, has been the more commonplace efforts to the same general effect. However, the fact of the British monarchy's role in bringing about the ouster of Germany's Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, that done in order to bring on what became World War I, exposes the broader, continuing anti-American strategy of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal system over the entire period since February 1763.
To illustrate that point of principle, consider the following.
During the time after his 1890 ouster from office, Chancellor Otto von Bismarck warned that the sole cause for what was, in fact, to become London's intended Balkans wars, wars which would lead, predictably, into the 1914 outbreak of general warfare, was an intended British re-enactment of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal financier interests' launching of that 1755-1763 Seven Years War which had resulted in the establishment of the British East India Company's emergence as an imperial entity and world power at the February 1763 Peace of Paris. It is that British imperial, international financier-oligarchical institution, which is determined to weaken and destroy would-be challengers of the British role on this account. That role has been a reflection of the intent to establish Anglo-Dutch Liberal financier power as the only truly world-wide, "globalized" empire on this planet, from that time to the present day. As for the British monarchy itself, it is simply a creature of the imperial financier oligarchy whose modern political and financier power is an institutional expression of the so-called New Venetian party of Paolo Sarpi and his followers.
To understand this should be a simple matter for any educated person who is not also a silly ideologue of a Rudyard Kipling sort of "Colonel Blimp" category. The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, written by Edward Gibbon as a report delivered personally to his master, Lord Shelburne, is the actual draft of all long-term objectives, and of the adopted imperial character, by Shelburne, of the intended existence of the British Empire. What is prescribed as doctrine for the empire is the adoption of the model of Julian the Apostate, as the characteristic feature of the empire's design was so described by Gibbon, and has remained the manifest intention of practice, since that time, to the present day.
Thus, we came to enjoy, courtesy of Shelburne, Gibbon, et al., not only the 1914-1918 general war, but both World War II and the post-President Franklin Roosevelt U.S.A. "Cold War" under British accomplice President Harry Truman.7The theological doctrine of Shelburne's favorite, Jeremy Bentham, leaves no room to doubt that the British Empire harbored its own Julian the Apostate, as British imperial practice since tends to affirm this. Take the cases of the contemporary Prince Philip of the pro-Satanic World Wildlife Fund, and of his like-minded son, Prince Charles, for example. The Truman-Churchill creation of the long conflict between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union were never anything, in principle, but, exactly as Chancellor Bismarck understood, continuations of the intention expressed by the followers of the British East India Company's Lord Shelburne in the continuing aftermath of the February 1763 Peace of Paris.
So, the French Revolution of July 14, 1789 and beyond, and London's and the Habsburgs' use of Napoleon Bonaparte's ruin of continental Europe to long-term British imperial, strategic advantage, were expressions of the principal type of wider operations among those machinations of the British Foreign Office run by the British East India Company's British Foreign office, as under the leadership of Shelburne and his followers. From that time, to the present day, these have been the followers who were proceeding, under the same imperial strategy used by the British East India Company for the orchestration of the 1755-1763 Seven Years War.
Unwitting British asset Napoleon Bonaparte was used, in this same way, to the advantage of his all-the-while giggling, British puppet-masters, all done to the same purpose as the Anglo-Dutch Liberals' orchestration of the "Seven Years War." As former Chancellor Bismarck was to emphasize implicitly, the 1814-1815 Congress of Vienna was one among a succession of the true successors to the British East India Company's imperial triumph in the February 1763 Peace of Paris.
After the defeat, by President Abraham Lincoln's leadership, of the British Empire's fresh efforts to destroy the challenge of the U.S.A., through the empire's operations which had been run continuously through the British Foreign Office of Lord Shelburne, Jeremy Bentham, and Lord Palmerston, over the 1815-1865 interval, the British Empire launched what became "geo-political" World Wars I and II. This new, post-1865 emphasis in British imperial policy was on a continuing succession of general, imperial warfares, as typified by the role of the British Prince of Wales Edward Albert's use of the ouster of Bismarck to set the stage for pitting the Russia of Czar Nicholas II against the Germany of Kaiser Wilhelm II. At the same time, Prince of Wales Edward Albert wooed Japan's Mikado into the 1894 launching, on Britain's behalf, of Japan's 1894-1945 wars aimed for the twofold goals, of destroying the government of China, dismembering that nation, and also, destroying the Pacific maritime power of the Mikado's and Britain's common adversary, the United States.8The Japan-Britain attack on the U.S. Pearl Harbor base had been planned by those allies as part of the early 1920s schemes for an attack on U.S. post-World War I naval power in both the Pacific and Atlantic. Japan's mission, in service of Britain, was to take out the Pearl Harbor naval base, already during the early through middle 1920s! This came to the surface publicly in the famous court-martial of General Billy Mitchell, whose development of carrier-based naval air forces was the only actual issue posed against him by members of the U.S. Presidency sympathetic to Britain, over the U.S.A., at that time. This was also a prominently included feature of U.S. war-planning strategy during the early and later 1920s.
That post-1865 phase of the British empire used those same methods, through employing what were, during my lifetime thus far, then presently "former Anglo-American backers of Adolf Hitler," such as the current U.S. President's grandfather, the Prescott Bush who played a key role in rescuing Hitler from bankruptcy at a crucial moment, for the purpose of drawing the U.S.A. itself into the role of a British puppet of what became today's Anglo-Dutch Liberal thrust for using a nuclear conflict between the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union, as the infinitely evil Bertrand Russell had demanded, from 1946 on, for the purpose of effecting the mutually assured nuclear destruction of both of those principal strategic targets.9The essentially fascist Bertrand Russell had no compunctions in the matter of policies which he explicitly intended as means to promote mass deaths.
That 1923-1940, British virtual alliance-in-fact with Hitler's cause, was thrown off balance by a coincidence of the role of a pro-fascist government of France in opening the gates of France to the Wehrmacht assault, which prompted British leading circles, such as Winston Churchill, to break with Hitler over Hitler's breach of the agreement to recognize France as a British puppet. Then, the British turned to the U.S.A. under President Franklin Roosevelt for salvation, and Nazi Germany came to be defeated in what was, for the Nazi power, an ultimately hopeless, two-front war.10What became London's "Hitler project" was set into motion during the crisis provoked in Germany by the hyperinflation caused entirely by the Versailles conditionalities. From about that time there was a rising level of commitment to support for the Nazi cause of Hermann Göring and Adolf Hitler from, chiefly, Anglo-Dutch Liberals including the circles of Prescott Bush (the grandfather of the current U.S. President), a support for Hitler organized chiefly from the Bank of England's Montagu Norman and Hjalmar Schacht, and such New York City forces as Prescott Bush's employer of relevant times, Brown Brothers Harriman. This support for Hitler continued in those financier circles until Britain reluctantly abandoned Hitler after not only the Nazi victory in France, but Germany's intention to grab the French naval and economic forces, for Hitler's intended conquest of all Europe through crushing, decimation and fragmentation of the Soviet Union—much like Britain's agent George Soros today.
That same British imperialism, is the source of all the most notably of the principal strategic evil afoot on this planet today, especially that promoted through the pro-Satanic, post-1989-1991 devices of the organized moral and economic depravity known as the "environmentalism" and "globalization." The latter is that which British asset, former U.S. Vice-President Al Gore has promoted, with his lies against science, an effort he has made in his capacity as an associate of that British Prince Philip (the Duke of Edinburgh) who has openly demanded genocide against much of the planet's population, that done in company with the Duke's now deceased accomplice, Prince Bernhard, in the pro-genocidal campaigning of the World Wildlife Fund.
All this has crucial, strategic economic and related consequences at the present moment.
The effects of this Anglo-Dutch Liberal, imperialist policy, are also the origin of those processes over the 1945-2008 interval, to present date, of the presently ongoing, planetary, general economic breakdown-crisis of the entire world system of this present moment.
Thus, over these centuries, we have now reached that point in time, at which the cumulative economic and other cultural factors generated, chiefly, by Anglo-Dutch financier-ruled Liberalism, have now created the over-ripe preconditions for the presently, immediately threatened, general, physical breakdown-crisis of the entire planet.
Therefore, the most urgent intellectual concern which we must adopt, is attention to those faults in the behavior of the intended victim-nations themselves, faulty behavior which tends to prevent the witting among the intended victims of Anglo-Dutch Liberalism, including, most notably, the leading powers among Britain's intended victims, such as the U.S.A., Russia, China, and India, from becoming the needed, potent rallying point of those nations which might be resolved to free themselves, forever, from playing the part of Britain's duped strategic victims, yet once, again, and again, and yet once again.
This present period of modern history, following both the establishment of the Anglo-Dutch mode in Liberal power under William of Orange, and the final awful two years preceding the death of England's Queen Anne, has been a British campaign for the replacement of governments of actually sovereign nation-states, by the corrupted role of nations, such that, as the cases of the European Union and the Maastricht Treaty attest, nations have tended to become, consequently, mere appendages, mere subordinates, almost "petty kingdoms," within a Classical, ancient through modern, "globalized" form of world empire.
The specter of genocide through the new "Tower of Babel" called "globalization," is the prospect for the time immediately ahead, unless the forces of Anglo-Dutch Liberal usury are defeated by us now. For that contingency, we require a force of nations which is sufficiently powerful to put so-called British imperialism out of operation, for once and for all.
So, for related British reasons, the fascist "Weatherman" cult, an outgrowth of what had been spawned on the campus of New York's Columbia University, was to be seen in the infamous Chicago riots. This utterly depraved, dionysian cult-formation found its echoed, more violent expression in late 1980s Germany, where the anti-nuclear, fascist rioting reached near to the level of outright civil war by the German "cousins" of the Weathermen. This is the key for understanding the Sorelian cult of violence expressed by the so-called "international terrorism," the new "1848," of the entire 1968-2008 interval to date.
This insurrectionary factor in contemporary nations is always directed from above, from inside leading financial institutions and related law firms of kindred financial affinities, always chiefly centered in a structure of command within the scope of Anglo-Dutch Liberal networks of high finance. The intention behind the deployment of these young fascists of the Weatherman or similar types, is always the same as it was with the way in which Anglo-Venetian financier interests launched Mussolini in a staged exhibition of Sorelian "purgative violence." Look behind the Weatherman fascist cult to the offices where it finds homes today, to see where the danger to our republic lies simmering, now.
The degeneration of the former sovereignties of continental western and central Europe since Germany's submission to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's stripping away the sovereignty of Chancellor Helmut Kohl's Germany (with U.S. President George H.W. Bush's consent at that time), has now reached the condition, at least for the moment, at which, technically, no nation of western and central continental Europe is a true sovereign, unless, and until it frees itself from the existential quicksand of British-led "environmentalism" and "globalization." Notably, as seen most clearly in the current cases of France and Italy, there are pronounced expressions of a rising determination to accomplish such needed freedom from the iron heel of Anglo-Dutch Liberal imperialism.
So, Great Britain itself is not, essentially, a truly sovereign nation-state, but virtually a mere province of an imperial financier-oligarchical monarchy, an imperial monarchy which reigns over subordinates, such as nation-states, which are essentially, therefore, reduced to components of a virtual "Tower of Babylon," an increasingly "globalized" likeness of mere kingdoms of Europe's past imperial orders, such as Venetian-steered feudalism, rather than true sovereigns. The victims include kingdoms, or the like, operating under imperial authority established, under the oligarchical order, with such outcomes of this agreement as the empire of Augustus Caesar, and also the later expression of that (originally Asian) form of empire under Diocletian and his successor Constantine.
As under that same ultramontane principle of imperialism, only an emperor can establish general principles of law; the kingdoms have no power beyond the making of what are fairly described as local ordinances within the lesser domain. Thus, according to the ancient Asian-European, oligarchical principle of imperial law, the international, internationally extended Liberal financier-oligarchy, not the United Kingdom, is the only existing imperial authority of government of the world at large presented in the world as a whole today.
With the decline of Byzantium, more than a thousand years ago, the power of the empire shifted its seat of power from Byzantium, to the rising financier-oligarchical power of Venice: a Venice which used, most notably, the chivalry of the Anjou, the model for the future Nazi SS, as an instrument enforcing a reign of the feudal equivalent of modern international fascism of an SS, Caesarian state.
This evolution of medieval Europe under Venetian management of the feudal system, led into the notorious "New Dark Age" of the Fourteenth Century, during which the parishes of Europe were reduced by half, and the level of population by one third. This "New Dark Age" was brought onto the stage of history of that time by practices of Lombard usury, which employed methods similar to those of the present 1987-2008 interval, through which the world as a whole has been brought, presently, to the brink of a general economic breakdown-crisis of global civilization now.
The new-born modern Europe of the Fifteenth Century had been rescued by developments centered around the leadership of such figures as that great genius, Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, who set forth both the principle of the modern sovereign nation-state and established the foundations of all competent modern science. The influence of Cusa led to the founding of the first modern European sovereign nation-state republics, that of France's Louis XI and his admirer Henry VII's England. These developments established modern European civilization, but they were, unfortunately, not uncontested. The same Venetian interests represented by the Habsburgs struck back, plunging Europe into the religious warfare of 1492-1648.
Thus, with the Habsburg-linked expulsion of the Jews from Spain, in 1492, the system of sovereign nation-states and modern science, which had been established by the great ecumenical Council of Florence, was significantly suppressed, with the resulting 1492-1648 subjugation of all Europe to a long period of religious warfare. Out of this continuing warfare, the Venetian faction led by Paolo Sarpi emerged as a major, rising power of so-called Protestant authority, an authority based in the riparian regions of the north coasts of Europe, as opposed to the formerly reigning, nominally Catholic regions of the Mediterranean maritime regions.
Within that 1492-1648 interval of perpetual religious warfare, preceding the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, there were two important, if partial victories of the cause of the sovereign form of European nation-state.
The first was a product of the great ecumenical Council of Florence, as expressed in the establishment of modern physical science by, chiefly, the work of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, and the carrying forward of Cusa's proposal for trans-oceanic development which was put into effect, initially, through Christopher Columbus.
The second, later, crucial positive development, was as expressed, as an echo of France's Louis XI and England's Henry VII, in the crucial role of Cardinal Mazarin and his associate Jean-Baptiste Colbert, in the installation and development of the great principled form known as the 1648 Peace of Westphalia's ecumenical principle for relations among sovereigns.
Over the course of the 1492-1648 interval, there were two crucial, closely related, added developments, which had shaped the history of the principal modern, globally extended developments, to the present date.
The first, was the movement set into motion by Columbus' implementation of Cusa's program for this purpose, of carrying the best samplings of modern European civilization across the oceans, to places from whence the needed reforms of a Europe corrupted with the legacy of the ancient, Asian "oligarchical model" might be developed and launched to effect the needed reform to free Europe itself from that oligarchical evil. The development of the future U.S.A., as in the pre-1689 Massachusetts Bay Colony, was a leading example of this; the founding and securing of the U.S. republic up to the point of the death of President Franklin Roosevelt, typifies this happy development.
However, the legacy of the neo-Venetian Paolo Sarpi's Liberal system, the so-called Anglo-Dutch Liberal system, became the leading efficient adversary of those happier developments which had come to be typified by the American republican form based on the principle of the Treaty of Westphalia.
The result of that conflict, was the increasing concentration of the greatest relative impetus for, and against economic development in two, mutually opposing, English-speaking powers, the U.S. republic versus the British Liberal system. That trans-Atlantic struggle, centered in opposing, English-speaking cultures, a struggle for true human freedom against the Anglo-Dutch Liberal form of neo-Venetian imperialism, is the struggle which has been the principal pivot of world history under this arrangement, to the present day.
It is only from that outlook on those leading elements of modern and related history, that the present mortal threat to the continued existence of civilization, can be located and understood. That understanding is now indispensable if peace and progress are to exist anywhere on this planet, during the foreseeable generations just ahead.
My references to Rosa Luxemburg here, refer to a complex personality, a true creative genius, but not a perfected specimen in all matters at hand.
To wit: Starting from the insane state of affairs in Europe, and also the U.S.A., after the ouster of Bismarck, and after the assassinations of France's President Carnot and the U.S.A.'s Presidents Garfield and McKinley, conditions throughout both Europe and the U.S.A., as elsewhere, reached a heated state of complexity which had no obvious precedent in the experience of those nations at that time. World War I and its outcomes, were already brewing, but creating a state of affairs whose complexities were not clearly understood by any source available on records known to me from that time, to the present day.
For a better appreciation of the complexity of those global circumstances, imagine a U.S.A. of the early 1860s without the presence of a President Abraham Lincoln. Lincoln's steady hand and deeply grounded notions of efficient principles in history, responded to circumstances which no contemporary but Lincoln himself grasped. There are, thus, crises, such as that of today's world, which no ordinary leading figure of the time could be presumed to understand. Only a true genius such as Lincoln, could leap that hurdle of comprehension. Only the figure who understands the crisis, could actually craft a clear and coherent vision of the remedy. Without knowing the question, the discovery of the answer remains doubtful.
To add to it all, Rosa Luxemburg was very much a woman, and thus representative of a sexual "species" not taken much into account in those times, in the usual course of settling great matters of nations. Not only did she experience such a psychological predicament within herself, but she was, like the victim of the Norman inquisition, Jeanne d'Arc, fatally encumbered with her obligation, so to speak, to wear men's clothes, burdened by the reaction to any woman's playing such a role in the great events of that time. Even today, women thrust into leading political and comparable roles, either tend to drift into the safer hiding place of specialization, or make fools of themselves out of their reaction to the still prevalent view of the limited role suitable for women in society.
They should be better; but, could we dare to say that it is only their own fault?
In the meantime, she suffered the combined effects of seeking to combine being a political leader on the grand scale, and an effective woman in her desired personal life to be a wife and mother, too. The threatening situation in which she found herself, not only on each account, but the dynamic domain in which the two combined, has not ceased to be a most difficult one for women generally, still today. Take her for what she achieved, and be grateful enough not to condemn her for what she was not.
To enter the body of this report, I must begin with a reference to the Marxian view of political-economy. That is a view of a technical subject which is, itself, on the verge of going the way of the Dodo; but the effects, if not the intent of what had been so-called Marxism's former influence and role, remain crucial today, especially so when we are considering the crucially important history of strategic relations between Russia and the U.S.A.
Since I am obliged, by such presently very important strategic considerations, to take up this subject here, and since the subject itself is still a very touchy one, we must get through that discussion decently, without unnecessary rancor, before turning attention to pressing, other relevant matters.
That much said, I proceed as follows.
In any outlook but that of a piece of fantasy, the possibility of preventing the world as whole from falling into a general economic, cultural, social breakdown of world civilization, that very soon, hangs, as I shall show here, on a certain immediate, qualitative improvement of the relationship between the U.S.A. and Russia. This is to be considered a relationship grounded in the unique role of their co-operation of a certain form: co-operation in their combined efforts in bringing immediately into being, a committed coalition of sovereign nation-states, a coalition without which the planet as whole would be soon plunged into a dark age worse than that of Europe's Fourteenth Century.
In this case, the significance of the influence of the idea of the doctrines of Karl Marx, remains, for many represented on one or the other of both sides of the required co-operation, the large pebble of inconvenience in the boot of progress. Unless that difficulty is removed, it could be a lack of agreement motivated by memory of past quarrels, which would tend to cause both nations, and, thus, the world as a whole, to stumble into a dark age.
Thus, if we do not clear away what came to be seen as the related matter of "Cold War" after-effects, and recognize the crimes of Prime Minister Thatcher and U.S. President George H.W. Bush, during the post-1989-1992 interval for what they have been, the needed quality of co-operation could not be effected in a sufficiently timely fashion, perhaps not at all. In that case, all nations and peoples of the planet would be plunged into a prolonged new dark age, in which entire cultures would disappear into a general, rapid and accelerating collapse of the level of population of the planet as a whole, a collapse in the order of billions of persons.
In times prior to the middle through late 1970s, it was often still necessary to pose certain categories of economic notions with reference to a plausibly "orthodox Marxian" standpoint, but, as in the case of my own practice of that convention, always emphasizing, at the same time, that the foundations of a competent modern economics are actually to be found in the work of the follower of Leibniz, Alexander Hamilton, and, for my own purposes, also the physics of Bernhard Riemann. That is also to say, that it is not necessary to resolve all possible quarrels at all times, but, rather, often, to proceed by way of a Platonic conception of an organic quality of ongoing dialogue, a dialogue crafted with the goal of discarding troubling, habituated differences in the process of reaching agreement on urgent, validated higher principles and their goals.
The method of the Platonic dialogue, in and of itself, is to be recognized as the shared process of the discovery of truth, respecting principles, through dialectic.
The most important among the dialogues respecting physical-economic policies today, is posed by the closing sentence of Bernhard Riemann's 1854 habilitation dissertation: "This leads into another scientific domain, that of physics, which the quality of the present occasion [the subject of mathematics as such] does not permit us to enter." No true universal physical principle was ever defined by mere mathematics; by their very nature, all true principles of the universe stand as if outside formal mathematics as such; they lie in the domain of the so-called infinitesimal, as that infinitesimal is to be recognized by Johannes Kepler's uniquely original, experimental discovery of the principle of universal gravitation, and in the application of that notion of universal principle by Fermat and Leibniz, especially Leibniz' definition of an anti-Cartesian science, which he supplied during the course of the 1690s, as by his Specimen Dynamicum.
Keep that in mind as we proceed to the later parts of this present chapter. Shift our focus for a moment, to the empirical fact, that the physical economy of the U.S.A. has been in a continuing collapse, per capita and per square kilometer, since U.S. Fiscal Year 1967-68. This collapse has been driven by a willful collapse of physical investment in infrastructure, scientific progress, technology, and the long-term decline in rates of physical standard of living of the lower eighty percentile of the U.S. population, that throughout the entire 1968-2008 interval to date. Overpaid parasites, such as those with their "golden parachutes," make poor, foolish Queen Marie Antoinette seem almost a prophetic genius in promotion of a higher standard of living for those living outside the privileged ranks of our predatory investment banking's social parasites of today.
With the 1977 advent of a U.S. Carter Administration, one which was thoroughly duped by the hideous schemes of David Rockefeller's Trilateral Commission, the only purpose for continuing the dialogue in the same terms was to seek out a dialogue, as I did at that time, with the last bastion of Marxist teachings, on the "other side" of what was stereotyped as the "capitalist-versus-socialist" divide. It was proper to honor the graves of the deceased, but not to propose that actually living people simply transfer the social life of the living to the residences of the dead.
In this present, critically strategic circumstance of the entirety of our planet, the possibility of bringing the U.S.A., Russia, China, and India together, as the needed seed-core of initiating sponsors of a new, constructive global peace among most parts of the world, thus requires the approach adopted in launching a sudden surge of what might be named "non-ideological" intellectual clarity about not only the actual role of Karl Marx and his doctrines, and also the perversion of those doctrines, as in the crafting of the myth on which British imperialism has relied heavily for dulling the general population into the duped condition of support for a new imperialist mouse-trap called "globalization."
This presently, urgently needed escape from chaos into a real New Bretton Woods agreement, into a global, fixed-exchange-rate system, also requires a refreshed, new conception of the nature of the proper principles of political-economy, principles which are either generally unknown, or simply, arbitrarily rejected in a world which, largely, mistakes what is, essentially, merely financial accounting, and currencies bloated with soaring rates of inflation, for economic science. A rejection of the urgently needed general reforms which I have proposed, would therefore result in the kinds of ensuing, far worse consequences than those into which the world is currently being led. This would bring us all, soon, into the depths of that abyss of a general breakdown-crisis of the world, one worse than what Europe experienced during the so-called "New Dark Age" of the Fourteenth Century. What the world as a whole now faces, and that immediately, is a consequence of a global folly which is already in a very advanced state of development, today.
The issues which I have posed in what I have written in this report thus far, have been largely negative. This has been a necessary introductory step, since our attention must be focused on the negative features of those currently ongoing plunges into what is not a mere economic depression, such as that of 1929-1933, within the present world crisis, but a general break-down crisis of the planet in its entirety.
However, as I shall make clear in the course of this present report, the fact that a great tragedy now grips this planet, means that the world at large is now being challenged to reply to this menacing reality, by seeking out remedies which could not be found without, first, discovering that the principled character of the deadly issues of the present, must be treated as warnings, that certain kinds of categorical changes in global relations must be recognized, whether those changes are well-liked at present, or not. Insight into such specific, underlying, determining trends must lead us all, secondly, into the discovery and adoption of a relevant higher state of understanding of what is actually the presently needed development of relations among nations, a development which should have been made earlier, but was not, for one reason or another.
So, to define, here and now, those new, higher goals for relations among sovereign nation-states, we must pass through, and round out a series of topics, as preparation for reducing the results of that dialogue into a general conclusion as to needed principle. We must quickly pass through that dialogue, here and now, before attempting to present the needed end-game remedies at an appropriate, later point, as I shall in the course of this present dialogue in its entirety.
As will be made clear, at certain relevant points in this present report as a whole, some of the required topics are by no means simply understood, but they are indispensable if survival of civilization is to be had. In the meanwhile, here, let us take the course of touching on each relevant topic in our stride.
For that purpose, the roots of the principal causes of crises of the planet during 1945-2008, must be situated within what is a fresh, corrected view of the profound change in the relations of the U.S.A. and Soviet Union, from those during the time the foe of British imperialism, President Franklin Roosevelt, led the United States, while he lived, into the opposite direction of relations which were defined in a different direction, under his successor, the President Harry Truman who was a supporter of British and related European colonialism. This change, from Roosevelt to Truman, produced the radically changed U.S. direction in foreign and also domestic relations which we experienced under Truman, and, much worse, under Presidents Nixon, Ford, Carter, and the Bushes. This change of U.S. Presidents, and of the U.S.'s shifting choices among new, if temporary, changes in choices of friend and foe, must be seen with respect to the consequent changes, both those which have occurred, and those which should occur, in the essential character of the interaction by the U.S.A. with the past Soviet Union, the present Russia, and other states.
Since Russia's present, post-Soviet role, is of crucial importance in any set of workable remedies for this planet for today, we must begin by reconsidering some among those rarely recognized, but crucial issues, which are tied up, inextricably, with conflicts of strongly held opinions, in assessment of the practical influence of Karl Marx in shaping the past and present policies of practice in and among nations.
This is not a matter of settling "old scores." Many of the issues, including many heated ones of past times and places, have been more diversions of attention from important practical issues, than the actual issues of policy which needed to be resolved. Often, as in the history of nations, it is what you don't know, or refuse to recognize, which kills you. This is the crucial problem which it is my intent to clarify in this report. In such cases, a reflection on the history of the problem at hand, is what is usually required in search of remedies. The aspects of Marx's influence worth considering at length here, are, fortunately, reduced to a few essentials; the others are already merely relics.
For the treatment of that indispensable subject for discussion here, we should begin with attention to the relevant, shared delusion, concerning modern economy, of the German Social-Democrats and V.I. Lenin, in their times. This was the theory, adopted through the credulity of Lord Palmerston's duped British asset Karl Marx, that "Adam Smith was installed as the only paragon of a valid doctrine of political-economy."11Marx was brought into England as an asset of Lord Palmerston's Young Europe and Young America organizations. Formally, Marx was adopted, under the Palmerston who had been the protege and successor to Jeremy Bentham in the British Foreign Office. Marx, who never recognized the truth of his actual situation in Britain, was thus presented to the ever-credulous public, technically, as a property of Palmerston's agent Giuseppe Mazzini, the Mazzini who was the head of one among Palmerston's British assets: the one known either as Young Europe, or the Young America which was the core of the treasonously subversive forces deployed within the U.S.A. The influence over Marx developed under the immediate guidance of David Urquhart, then in charge of the intelligence service headquartered in the British Museum (today's British Library). It was through Mazzini's public actions that Marx was appointed, publicly, head of the newly founded International Working Men's Association, the so-called "First Communist International." With the defeat of the British strategic intelligence operation known as the Confederacy, the duped Marx who had damned his owner, Palmerston, as "a Russian agent," lost his value, and status, and was replaced, under British agent Napoleon III of France, by the founding of the synarchist international, as a branching from the British asset Bakunin's anarchist association. With the affair of the Paris commune, Karl Marx drifted quickly into relative political oblivion for the remainder of his own actual life. Such a misguided view of the governing outlook and related role of Karl Marx has proven, that the specifics of Marx's own doctrine have had a significant, auxiliary role in the developments contributing to causing the present world crisis, and have played a significant role in promoting absurd, and essentially diversionary notions of the nature and cause of imperialism. However, those matters of belief were not, in themselves, the primary cause of the economic collapse of the Soviet Union.
The cause of the collapse is found in the influence of the ideas, not of Marx as such, but those associated with that impassioned hater of American freedom, Shelburne hack Adam Smith. The collapse must be considered, rather, as being symptomatic of the chiefly other, usually problematic, conditions which allowed the Soviet Union, paradoxically, on the one side, to develop great leadership in the military aspects of economic strategy, on the one hand, but, at the same time, to fail tragically in economy, largely because of Marx's teaching of Adam Smith to socialists.
There is a principled consideration underlying the Soviet economy's systemic inclination to such ironical failure in physical-economic policies, a failure which was rooted in a grave error of epistemology respecting the nature of the distinctive, uniquely creative powers of the individual human mind. It was chiefly for reason of this particular error in Marxist policy generally, substituting the horny hand of labor for that human mind which defines the laborer as human. It was an error expressed in a most extremely decadent, implicitly terminal form in the current customs and related specific mythologies and doctrines of post-1968 trans-Atlantic Liberalism.
That lesson, of that error, from the past, must be grasped, and that very quickly, if a solution is to be found for the onrushing general breakdown-crisis and threatened conditions of warfare inhering in the general economic breakdown-crisis of the world as a whole today.
There are two leading problematic problems arising from the systemic blunders by Karl Marx, which plague discussion of strategy today. There remain problems, some of which are merely blunders which must be simply recognized, and, sometimes, others which must be corrected, if a timely performance is to be expected in what is presently the urgently needed co-operation, as keystone partners, between the U.S.A. and Russia.
The objective to be brought clearly into view, is, briefly this.
The essential fact to be considered in seeking co-operation between the U.S.A. and western and central Europe, is the British disease rooted in that same pro-feudalist, oligarchical legacy of continental Europe which prompted the most far-seeing European leaders to follow the advice of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, the advice Columbus read from Cusa's own written words, advice Christopher Columbus adopted, to go across the oceans to find the leverage to remedy the chronic, oligarchical (read, "Venetian") disease of Europe . This was the same advice respecting the United States, which Germany's Otto von Bismarck heeded, in seeking peaceful relations with Russia, during his service as Germany's Chancellor.
However, the most important fact to be considered, is typified by the fact that Russia had been the ally of the United States, not only during the reign of the Empress Catherine the Great, but against the U.S.A.'s enemy Britain, during the period of the U.S. Civil War.
For that same reason, a close relationship had begun to develop between the United States and the government of Russia during the same period as the United States' own struggle for freedom against the British empire which had been founded at the February 1763 Treaty of Paris.
We must never overlook, that during the period of the Soviet Union, Russia never ceased to exist. President Franklin Roosevelt understood this, to such effect that no conflict between Russia and the United States would have been possible as long as Franklin Roosevelt's policy led the U.S. Presidency. The British Empire clearly understood, as did Stalin's government, in its own way, that if Roosevelt lived, the British Empire and the system of British imperialism which reigns, even over the U.S. electoral process now, would have vanished peacefully from the Earth. England would have not only survived, but benefitted from this change, but the British empire not. Communism was never, in itself, a break, but only a remediable source of difficulties in the historic good relations between Russia and the United States.
Presently, the continued existence of a civilized life among nations anywhere on this planet, depends upon an effective return to the long-ranging co-operation between Russia and the United States which had persisted, essentially, from the time of John Quincy Adams' term of U.S. public service in Petrograd, up to the point of the British-steered assassination of U.S. President William McKinley.
The leading issue in this connection, is, once again, the outcome of the Anglo-Dutch Liberals' organization of the 1755-1763 Seven Years War. War, mixed with conflict leading toward wars, between the powers of continental Europe, and between the U.S.A. and some European and other powers, has always been, as Bismarck clearly understood, the strategic cornerstone of the British Empire since the close of the Seven Years War.
The wisest leaders of Russia, whether in its role as a monarchy, or a Communist state, have always understood this fact, more or less clearly. Soviet orientation, as under Khrushchov, Andropov, and Gorbachov, toward alliance with the British Empire against the U.S.A., has always been the road toward ruin of both Russia and the United States. All truly competent and patriotic leaders of the United States have also understood this, if in their own choice of terms, rather than exactly my own.
However, the Communist legacy was no longer a source of existential frictions, as long as President Franklin Roosevelt remained President, or his policy were perpetuated. Now, however, that friction became a significant problem, not because of Communist traditions, but because of the results of President George H.W. Bush's shamefully kissing the foot of British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the matter of the terms of Germany's reunification. The source of the remaining problems there has been the British determination to destroy Germany, and also Eastern Europe and Russia, thoroughly, now that Germany was no longer a bastion manning NATO's eastern front.
The only real problem of the Marxist legacy in the relationship between Russia and the U.S.A. presently, is the failure to clarify the systemic errors which the British ties have fostered as the kind of rapacious carpet-bagging, typified by the phenomenon of thieving, London-linked, ex-Communist Russian billionaires, or the British Empire's George Soros, and others, which ran rampant throughout the post-Soviet 1990s, and still burrows from within today. Communist economic policy was a failure, if not by any means, but for the reasons given by the vultures of the existentialist and otherwise pro-fascist Congress for Cultural Freedom. Much more could be said on that; we have said enough here, so that the general idea of the matter should be reasonably clear.
However, for as long as certain actual errors of Marxist dogma are not recognized, the mistakes of the economic policy of the Soviet period are still hung, like the albatross of Coleridge's Ancient Mariner, as a burden about the neck of any Russian government today. Given the severity of the presently onrushing global breakdown-crisis in the productive forces, it is important, to us all, today, that the idea of the Russian nation, rather than its experiments with sundry economic ideologies, be the pivot for the shaping of U.S. foreign economic policy. The fact is, that there is no nation whose economic policies of practice during the recent forty years has not been greatly at fault on one leading account or another. The government which rules by the impulse to recognize and promptly correct such mistakes must be the standard by which the shaping of new, urgently needed forms of co-operation be crafted.
It is therefore important, that these poor effects of the past policy and practice, be better understood and corrected, rather than swept under the carpets, both in Russia and, especially, other nations which must now be a core of initiators of the general, global reform of economic policies adopted by the world as a whole today.
There are three broadly defined goals, which unless set into motion very soon, would mean the slide of the planet as a whole into new dark age, worse than that experienced by Europe during its Fourteenth Century.
One is an urgent return to emphasis on science-driven, capital-intensive, energy-dense modes of production and transportation, without which some form of great disaster will surely and now quickly overtake the planet, whatever the otherwise beneficial reforms might be.
Secondly, we must reorganize relations among states according to what can be described as a Franklin Roosevelt Bretton Woods system, not a Truman, nor a Keynesian counterfeit. The former policy means building up science-driven, power-dense restoration of formerly industrialized nations to their former, pre-1968-1971 roles in the planet as a whole, this in order to generate a long wave of increase of per-capita density of infrastructure and net output per square kilometer of territory.
Thirdly, to make these beneficial changes feasible, we must build up a mass of long-lived basic economic infrastructure of the planet, as this is indispensable for meeting the production and consumption goals of all sectors of humanity. This requires a new, international credit-system, to replace, and essentially eliminate, the presently failed European idea of monetary systems. This will require the U.S. to follow U.S. Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton (not pathetic "Mad Hatter" Hank Paulson, nor "Dormouse" Ben Bernanke), in the establishing of national banking institutions as the intermediaries of regular transactions between the treasuries of sovereign governments. No more of those damnable, European Central Banking Systems which are already presently bankrupted beyond redemption through the efforts to sustain the mountainous derivatives bubble launched by the U.S.A.'s Alan Greenspan.
Our proper shared concern, inside the U.S.A. and also Russia, is that systemic errors of either adopted interpretations of Marxist doctrine, or the actual doctrine itself, not become systemic, not viciously systemic obstacles to timely adoption of those urgently needed reforms in relations among the prospective allied nations of a revival of President Franklin Roosevelt's 1944 intentions for what is called a Bretton Woods system.12The matter of the difference between the abominably Keynesian IMF uttered into being by the Harry Truman Administration, is to the 1944 Bretton Woods' intention of President Frankin Roosevelt like a creature from H.G. Wells' "The Island of Dr. Moreau," when contrasted with Roosevelt's actual intention. See Chapter 3, below, for discussion of that point.
In the case of Russia, but not Russia alone, the foremost of these problems, is Marx's notion of capitalism, a notion, as expressed by him and others, whose implied view of the U.S.A., in particular, was one which has no reality in the actual establishment of the U.S.A. as an historically novel form of Federal republic.
The first such, unfortunate fact of this moment, is that no generally employed accounting system in the world today, permits any consideration of those essential, universal principles of human creativity on which all physically successful economic policy, excepting stealing (such as that of the derivative swindles, or kindred predatory practices) depend, absolutely.
The second such is the complete suppression of the notion of the role of human creativity in national economy. On this most crucial point, the actual policies of Karl Marx become a serious threat to progress, since Karl Marx's writings never acknowledged the role of the active presence of creative powers akin to those of fundamental, capital-intensive, scientific progress in increasing the productive powers of labor, nor those in any way which reflect the existence of such powers.
Marx's systemic exclusion of the specific concept of human scientific and Classical-artistic creativity which separates mankind categorically from beasts, was always a fatal systemic flaw in his argument, and, therefore, his British-empiricism-driven denial of the actual existence of human individual creative-mental powers, to a significantly large degree, as also by his avowed followers, as by all other varieties of radical reductionists, such as the empiricists and positivists of today.
This, and all related kinds of major errors in Marx's arguments respecting political-economy are rooted in the corrupting influence he enjoyed from his preferred sources in the Haileybury School of Jeremy Bentham, Adam Smith, et al. Every part of the teaching of this school, was evil, and must be recognized as such.
Contrary to evil Olympian Zeus of Aeschylus's Prometheus Bound, the proper goal for man, is not the education of the individual, but the development of the creative powers of that individual. Man is not to be educated as a dog to do tricks, but to become a creator in the likeness of our Creator.13From my own management consulting and related professional experience, the relevant problem of production within the Soviet Union, was much discussed in the relevant Soviet literature during the last decades of that government. It appears that the military incentive was relatively successful in Soviet military technology, where the factory producing other goods failed in numerous ways which became celebrated in legendary cases. The key to such problems, in many nations, is that the creative powers of mankind are located only in the individual creative mind, and never in systems and procedures. Creativity in society inherently tends to "go against the pricks." The challenge is to motivate the individual for creative contributions to his place in society, and to society generally. When "competitive incentives" supplant patriotic motivation, what should be expected is likely to occur. In the U.S.A. itself, there was a moral degeneration in outlook of all levels of management and supervision over the course of the 1950s onward, for much of which fear of the FBI and kindred security agencies were much to be blamed.
I identify and explain the principle of actual human creativity a bit later in this present chapter. First, before turning to the physical-scientific core of this issue, I situate the issue historically.
Marx's own adoption of Adam Smith's doctrine for economics is, essentially, typical of the systemically crippling intellectual enslavement of many nations, by the Eighteenth-Century British empiricism which had produced imperialist Lord Shelburne's agent Adam Smith. The recruiters to Marxism did not need to indoctrinate their following in this sort of belief; usually, the Liberal indoctrinaires had already delivered that supply of Liberal sophistry, on which Marx had also relied, to their victims from among the general public in their society and culture, usually in childhood or adolescence, in schools and other commonplace ways.
The argument, respecting empiricism, which I have just summarized, is true; but, we must be careful about attributing individual beliefs, too strongly, to the individual's judgment to almost anything that happens in society, either to Marx or almost any other person, as such. As I shall have reason to place special emphasis on this point, in the course of this present report, the principle of dynamics, competently understood, warns us that the adopted beliefs and related behavior of the typical member of a society, or a species, have been, usually, chiefly rooted in the society, or species, rather than originating in the mind of the individual member of that group—excepting extraordinary persons and situations in society. Those exceptions, either for the very good, or very bad, exist, but even those exceptions can be rarely understood in any different way than as remarkable exceptions in the characteristics of the individual will.
The essential issue respecting mass behavior, as the focus of attention in this report, is that which I pin-pointed earlier in the course of this present chapter of the report. It is the systemic exclusion of actual human creativity from any part of the British Eighteenth-Century empiricism of Adam Smith, et al. This exclusion is typical of the empiricism on which both the so-called science and avowed dogmas of Cartesian method were extended, to form, thus, the mass behavior expressed by the Newtonian pseudo-science and also British political-economy. Those are beliefs which may be presumed to have been derived from the same empiricist ideology employed by the plagiarist Adam Smith.14Adam Smith, who was personally assigned by Lord Shelburne, beginning 1763, to spy against both the leading circles of North America and France at that time, cribbed most of his economic argument in The Wealth of Nations, as a spy, cribbing from what he pilfered as work-in-progress of France's prominent Physiocrat A.R.J. Turgot. The explicit liftings from Turgot's work were to be found in what spy Smith had taken explicitly from that manuscript of Turgot's draft-in-progress from which Smith lifted much that he claimed as his own. See Douglas Dakin, Turgot and the Ancient Regime in France (Methuen, 1939); this fact is referenced by Allen Salisbury., The Civil War and the American System, (Campaigner, 1978). All of this is centered on Shelburne's use of the circles of David Hume, through which Adam Smith emerged as one of Shelburne's network of spies. There was never anything either good, or even frankly sincere, in the work of Adam Smith.
This is key for understanding the systemically fatal flaw in what Karl Marx professed to be his reductionist conception of materialism, which was the belief which Marx swallowed from the British authors he admired wishfully as the font of "the only economic science," whether from Britain's Frederick Engels, the British Museum's David Urquhart, Palmerston's Giuseppi Mazzini, or other such sources. All of the systemic errors intrinsically underlying the prevalent ideological assumptions of sundry varieties of Marxian movements, have been errors which contributed directly to the most crucial, and presumedly scientifically profound among the blunders in policies of civilian economic practice in Soviet Russia, as distinct from the military practice of the Soviet Union, for example.
The most notable result of these types of simplistic errors in Marx's adopted opinions and his method, echoes the wider spread of the dogma of such dupes as the empiricists (and later positivists), and, also, the even more badly educated academic circles throughout much of the world generally since the rise of the existentialists' influence, that especially since 1968's Dionysiac rioters, until today. Among such latter varieties of folk, the silly, crudely aprioristic notion prevailed, that since society had been assimilated into the industrial capitalist interests of specific nations, as defined by Adam Smith and other members of the British East India Company's Haileybury School, any form of modern imperialism today must be presumed to be essentially a product of what the British identify as the industrial-capitalist "stage of development." Such had been the adopted basis, a priori, for what I have referenced, at the outset of this publication, as the misguided view of imperialism represented by such as both Lenin and the leading German Social-Democrats.
To sum up that point: as I have just emphasized it in these final paragraphs of this first chapter of the main body of my report, the great flaw commonplace to Marxian socialism lies essentially in its adoption of the prevalent, but erroneous ideology respecting the human principle underlying healthy directions of change in society. That is an ideology which Marx himself adopted, but which was also an ideology already distributed full-blown from the body of British Eighteenth-Century empiricist ideology, such as that of John Locke, David Hume, Adam Smith, and Bentham's Haileybury school generally.
Before turning to that central feature of this next chapter of the report, let us begin that chapter by putting a few of the most significant collateral matters to rest. For this purpose, turn attention directly to the practical and proper juridical, and scientific meaning of the term imperialism.
After certain important prefatory remarks, this second chapter of the report will be devoted to the subject of the determining agency associated with the increase of mankind's power not only to increase its productive powers of labor, but to overcome what would otherwise be a decline in the ability of the Biosphere, not only to support an increase of both physical productivity, per capita and per square kilometer, but, also, to nullify the tendency of population-growth and previous human consumption to deplete the Biosphere.
To prepare the table for that crucial, scientific discussion, I begin this chapter with the following note on those aspects of the nature and effects of actual imperialism relevant for this part of the report.
First of all, as I have already emphasized this, contrary to Lenin and relevant others, "imperialism" was not "a stage of capitalism." Imperialism as known to Europe, is older than Babylon. "Finance capitalism" as the German Social-Democracy and Lenin named it, is much older than that which the followers of Marx called "capitalism" or "socialism." It is also older than the brutish ruining of the bow-tenure plots of once-proud Sumer by the introduction of the same "loan shark" methods which had been used against Sumer's farmers. Again and again, ancient, medieval, and modern civilizations have been ruined by the same practice of usury, as used again and again, to induce the civilizations of Southwest Asia to destroy themselves as if by their own hands, as has been done, since the death of Franklin Roosevelt, by globally extended Anglo-Dutch Liberalism, most notably since the break-up of the already looted Bretton Woods System, in 1971-72.
The combination of the 1971-72 break-up of the Bretton Woods system, as followed quickly, in 1973, by the predatory Anglo-Dutch-Saudi conspiracy which created the reign of the Anglo-Dutch petroleum "spot market" over the world's finance, destroyed the U.S.A.'s control over its own dollar, and degraded the world monetary-financial dollar to a mere toy in the hands of the British empire. The influence of what had been once called British imperialism, as opposed to the true nation-state, has been a continuously leading phenomenon in globally extended European history from that time, to the present day.15From reading Karl Marx's paper on choosing a profession, written under the Trier secondary program of Trier's celebrated Wyttenbach, my conclusion is that Marx was not lacking in creative potential. Some of the correspondence between Karl Marx and his father during the period of Karl's studies as Bonn, showed some very nasty changes in Marx's personality had occurred. Later, in Marx's studies in law at the Berlin university under the predecessor of Carl Schmitt, Karl von Savigny, Marx fell into the worst sort of company, as his sometime acquaintance Heinrich Heine sensed something wrong with him. In the all-too typical loss of earlier creativity among post-adolescents, especially university students in their later university studies, as in their late twenties, there is a frequent loss of creative powers, as emphasized by Dr. Lawrence Kubie. In my experience, this is frequent among young adults who had shown creative potential during their middle through late twenties, most notably among candidates for doctoral decrees. Most relevant is the fact that Karl Marx was virtually a "born Baby Boomer." The father reflected the pro-American generation, and was associated with the Leser Gesellschaft of supporters of the American Revolution, as was Wyttenbach. There is a significant parallel to that conflict of my own generation, which had gone to war against Hitler, in the decadence of the cases of those of their children's generation who ended up as the types of the 68ers of the 1968 Chicago convention riots. There is a similarity of the factors of certain Americans born between 1945-1958, to the layer of Europeans born and raised in the interval of the great right-wing reaction led by Prince Metternich and Metternich's right-wing tool G.W.F. Hegel, with Hegel's close right-wing associate, Karl von Savigny, at the Berlin university, a Savigny who was prominent among the right-wing school of law of his time, and the head of the law department under which Marx studied. As Rosa Luxemburg had explained, and Herbert Feis later, imperialism, is, today, as then, simply a 1970s rebirth of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal tyranny of a global financial system based, as both Rosa Luxemburg and Herbert Feis had shown, on a revived Anglo-Dutch Liberal system of international, essentially usurious loans.
For all practical purposes, in opening any discussion of the present global crisis-situation, we should start with the rough, working assumption, that there is no essential difference, as to type, between the natures of the causes of the general, global financial breakdown-crisis which has been ongoing since late July 2007, and the characteristic cause of the collapse of Fourteenth-Century Europe into a catastrophic "break-down" crisis, like that now in accelerating motion, world-wide today. Lest we had forgotten that medieval New Dark Age, into which we are now being plunged once again, by the same kind of Venetian-controlled system of international loans experienced during the Fourteenth Century, afresh, this time in the guise of financial derivatives, today.
Therefore, the following must be said here on the subject of imperialism generally.
Since the fall of the Achaemenid dynasty, and the later rise of imperial Rome during the aftermath of the Second Punic War, continental Europe, whether within or beyond the Mediterranean regions, has always been dominated by ruling political-financial institutions in the tradition traceable from the role of usury in the collapse of the bow-tenure system of Sumer, via Babylon, this despite the greatness of the intervening period of ascension of the Baghdad Caliphate, as to the present day's general, global, monetary-financial downfall.
However, it is also true, that we must now escape that same kind of moral decadence which exerted great influence on the civilization of the European continent, especially since the shock of February 1763, despite a parallel, contrary, Renaissance-like feature of the 1763-1789, pro-American, anti-British, Classical interval. This was the interval typified by the crucial contributions from German Renaissance factors such as Abraham Kästner, his student Gotthold Lessing, Moses Mendelssohn, Goethe, Schiller, and Lazare Carnot, as continued for a time by the von Humboldt brothers, Johann Friedrich Herbart, et al. The pro-American generation from the time preceding the ugly shock of the Jacobin Terror, and Pierre Robespierre's sometime protégé Napoleon Bonaparte, reflected the impact of the essential, necessary nature of the parallel role of the colonial developments in North America, in combating the morally corrupting, pro-oligarchical habits underlying the persistence of that decadence already pervading the modern traditions of European political, and related culture.
As I shall indicate at an appropriate point in this report, below, what might appear to some, mistakenly, as a certain confusion in these among my characterizations of the relevant intervals of history thus far, is not a product of any confusion in my argument here. It merely reflects the fact that I found it prudent pedagogy, for the sake of ultimate clarity, that rather than incur distracting side-tracks in the interim, to postpone the conclusion of a certain discussion of the relevant principle of dynamics, until an appropriate, later point in the development of that argument here, when the ground for introducing that clarification will have been better prepared in the mind of the reader. My justification for that course of action will be made clear before the conclusion of this present report.
There is, already, as I shall show, within this present chapter of this report, another fuller exposition of a crucially significant, profound principle of the science of physical economy, which must be presented, before a straight-forward treatment of the underlying principles of economy as science could be introduced to this present discussion.
These principles of economic science, on which all of my always "successful" forecasts since 1956, have been premised, have now been confirmed by such recent developments as a stunning accumulation of my recent, unique successes as an economic forecaster, such that, intelligent people with a relevant sense of experience, are looking with mixed astonishment and despair at their formerly accustomed view on the subject of economics, and are asking of me, "How did you do it?" Some people would never see a physician about their illnesses, until a certain element of fear brought them to the equivalent of the physician's door. The difference is, as with my former so-called critics, that circumstances have brought them to the point, that, as it is said, "The sane ones are more than ready to listen."
Despite all that, there is nothing terribly new to me, in particular, about the disease now to be discussed in these pages, only the profundity of, and remedies for the present crisis.
The baldly exposed current intention of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal, or so-called "British" empire, is to eliminate the existence of the sovereign nation-state from this planet, now as rapidly as possible. The names for this British campaign include "globalization," "free trade," and neo-malthusian "environmentalism."
If such brutish impulses as those are not defeated, and reversed, a vastly shrunken remnant of mankind will inhabit a new barbarism of a planet probably populated by much less than one billions living persons. Presuming that we avoid nuclear warfare, the brutish imperial goal, which is more or less the goal adopted publicly (and with great emphasis) by Britain's Duke of Edinburgh, Prince Philip, would be "achieved" within approximately one to two generations. Centuries would be required for the descendants of that remnant of humanity to creep and crawl back to something which might be regarded as a semblance of what was once known as the relatively civilized state of much of humanity prior to these horrid developments now oncoming today.
That is the key to understanding why the present global, strategic situation is so monstrously dangerous, why those forces centered in the ideologies of the Anglo-Dutch political descendants of Paolo Sarpi are such a monstrous sort of present danger to all mankind.
To understand this grave, immediate strategic threat, we must learn the lessons embedded in manifest long-range patterns of human behavior, as, for example, since prior to the founding of Sumer, from times preceding the known history of empires over the recent seven or more thousand years.
So, since the fall of the Achaemenid Empire, through the role of the essentially barbarous British Empire still today, the principal leading political powers within globally extended European and near-Asian civilization, have been based on an endemic form of usury which sometimes erupts in such extreme forms of imperialist practice as that of Europe's Fourteenth-Century "New Dark Age."
Typical of this chronic, pathological tendency for today, are the Anglo-Dutch controlled, international drug-cartels, typified by British intelligence's George Soros' financial operations based among his many roosts from around the world, such as his havens in the Dutch Antilles, and his top-down control over Howard Dean's U.S. Democratic Party today. Or, compare the price of a farmer's opium crop in Southwest Asian regions such as Afghanistan, with the price of the same product, ten thousand times greater, when British-linked networks have brought the product into European or U.S.A. markets associated with locals of the activities of George Soros or his kind. This presently hyper-inflationary echo of Germany 1923 and Fourteenth-Century Europe's so-called New Dark Age, is integral to the influence of such auxiliaries of today's British imperialism as former U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman, and the notable swindler, Alan Greenspan.
However, there is a much more profound, specifically, and also systemically scientific meaning of that term imperialism. Therefore, please turn your attention to defining those indispensable conceptions here and now: turn to the extremely relevant subject of real "human ecology," as distinct from the brutish views of the Duke of Edinburgh and his perverse, and thoroughly vicious lackey, the former U.S. Vice-President, and perennially plump Leporello, Al Gore.
This present economic crisis is not the spread of "an American recession," nor a "recession" at all. It was never "a sub-prime crisis." It has shown itself clearly in recent developments, as I warned publicly and widely since my widely broadcast address of July 25, 2007. It has shown itself, exactly as I warned then, to have been a general monetary-financial, and physical breakdown-crisis of the present financial-monetary-economic system of our planet as a whole. Since I had warned repeatedly of the oncoming characteristics among the types of economic phenomena leading into this crisis, the relevant question often asked of me now, has two parts. First, how did I know? Second, why did the supposed experts fail to recognize what I had already foreseen, and had repeatedly described as a long-range trend, that with remarkable precision, over, in point of fact, all these now five decades past?
What, therefore, is, or should be, the science and practice of economy for today, actually?
This brings us now to the explicitly physical-scientific aspects of the matter placed before us. To illustrate the core argument of this present chapter of the report, consider the systemic implications to be found in examining the comparative ecologies of three selected, respectively distinct orders (in fact) among living species: the marsupials, the mammals, and the human beings.16I presented this crucially important argument, at this point here, a few weeks ago, to an internal meeting held together with associates of mine who are members of the scientific team based in Loudoun County, then working on their relevant Riemann project. That oral report was transcribed for appearance in the internal daily briefing, the following morning, and was, restated in significantly large part in a republished reply to a correspondent, containing crucial features of the same argument, a few days later. To define man's nature as that of a mere mammal, is a step toward treating your neighbor as food. This takes us toward to the core of a science of physical economy. Understand dynamics as being coherent with the successive phases of development of the methods of Gottfried Leibniz, Carl Gauss, Lejeune Dirichlet, and Bernhard Riemann. Choose this view, whose modern origins are anti-Cartesian dynamics, rather than the terms employed in the empiricists' Cartesian form of reductionism. Both marsupials and mammals have respectively, qualitatively different, but relatively (dynamically) fixed ranges of variation of degrees of relative potential population-densities; whereas, the human potential relative population-density, while also dynamic, is not bounded in that way. Examine this matter more closely, for its bearing on the matter of the global economic breakdown-crisis already in progress now.17My use of the term "dynamics" here, references the ancient Classical Greek dynamis, a concept associated with the Sphaerics of the Pythagoreans and Plato, as reintroduced, explicitly, as the modern concept of dynamics, by Leibniz (as in exposing the incompetence of Descartes, in 1692, and posing the same subject in his 1695 Specimen Dynamicum). The concept hovers in the work of Carl F. Gauss, and others prior to Riemann's work, but is recapitulated in more general terms by Riemann, as in Riemann's 1854 habilitation dissertation. Thus, since the relevant statements published by Albert Einstein, on the subject of Kepler's discoveries, the general definition of dynamics is Riemannian.
The outline of the principal features of that subject, is presently of great importance for correcting some potentially deadly errors in the practice of economists, and even of some very serious physical scientists, today. The subject is, at bottom, that unique nature of our human species which underlies all of man's competent knowledge of both himself and his universe.
To illustrate this crucially important fact, look, first, at a culture in which the marsupial order had been dominant, dynamically, as in Australia prior to the English settlement; and, then, after that, consider the effect of the process of ongoing takeover of formerly marsupial habitats by mammalians, or even by human beings. Generally speaking, the invasion, by the mammalian order, of a habitat formerly dominated by marsupials, results in a process of collapse (e.g., replacement) of the potential structure of the array of types of creatures constituting the population of the marsupial order, to such effect, that most types of the latter tend to disappear, eventually, as a result of this process (excepting, for example, garbage-collectors such as the opossum).
However, there is a fundamental difference of principle between the respective kinds of ecological dynamics of those first two orders of species, on the one hand, and that of the existence of humanity, on the other. The human species' ecology is not simply bounded by the ecology in the same way as the respective animal orders of both the marsupials, the mammals, and others generally. The members of the human order are not bounded, at least not in a definitive way, by heritable genetic determinations of the kind of dynamic set of potential affecting the lower species, as found in the cases of either the marsupial or mammalian order.
The systematic understanding of this fundamental distinction, in physical principle, of the human species from all others, requires adoption of the standpoint of a modern dynamics as previously defined by Gottfried Leibniz. This is what is also expressed, implicitly, in a qualitatively more advanced degree, by Bernhard Riemann's 1854 habilitation dissertation, when compared with what Leibniz defined as dynamics, in opposition to Descartes, as I have already emphasized here. Without employing that intermediate, Leibniz-Riemann development in the dynamic approach to defining the relative population-potential of a society, per capita and per square kilometer, an approach conducted in Riemann's terms, the results of any argument on this subject would be intrinsically incompetent. Effective insight into most of the worst errors of assumption in political and related practice of entire nations today, is provided within Riemann's appreciation of the anti-Cartesian implications of, once more, Leibniz's own Specimen Dynamicum.
In Russian academic scientific experience, this matter is expressed in a relatively advanced, and crucially significant way by the manner in which the great physical chemist Academician V.I. Vernadsky defined the Biosphere, and also the Noösphere, dynamically.
Succinctly, the human population can outrun the inferred immediate limits of its habitat, as no animal species could; this qualitative up-shift in the potential of the human population, is effected by raising the qualitative level of the species-behavior of some leading portion of a society to a higher physical state of dynamic potency, as such an advance can be approximately defined as a rise in net energy-flux-density of the human society's habitation of the relevant domain.
This access of a progressively developing society to a higher physical state of potential relative population-density, involves the willfully conscious discovery of new physical principles, or their artistic equivalent, as Leibniz has anticipated Bernhard Riemann's outlook in Leibniz's own Specimen Dynamicum, in anticipating Riemann's sweeping eradication, in his 1854 habilitation dissertation, of all aprioristic definitions, axioms, and postulates of sundry geometries, such as those from Euclid through the dupes of the virtually Satanic Bertrand Russell. Riemann presents his essential case, even in summary, in the opening pages, and closing sentence, of his great 1854 habilitation dissertation. In all cases, this has been made clear for modern physical science, as I shall emphasize, and as Albert Einstein did, as being an outgrowth of Johannes Kepler's uniquely original discovery of the principle of the universal harmonies underlying Kepler's uniquely original method of discovery of the principle of universal gravitation.
Thus, although the legacy of Rene Descartes (or, the same thing, the myth of Newtonian science) underlies all modern academic and related opposition to Kepler, Fermat, Leibniz, and Riemann today, it is only those more friendly predecessors of Riemann whose achievements afford us a competent general view of the principled nature of the process of development of modern science today, including any attempts at an actual physical science of economy.
The most relevant case to this effect, is illustrated by Kepler's discovery of universal gravitation, as Albert Einstein lays stress on this unique achievement by Kepler. What Kepler actually proves, beyond his principle of universal gravitation as such, is that, as Einstein emphasized, any such discovery of an efficiently universal discovery of physical or comparable principle, defines, what is in principle, a finite universe, rather than an indefinitely extended form of a Euclidean or Cartesian one. This means a Kepler-Riemann-Einstein universe which is, thus, self-bounded by such universal principles, and which, therefore, defines a universe without external bounds (hence finite in Einstein's sense).18I.e., Kepler, The Harmony of the World. Cf. Animating Creativity, www.wlym.com/~animations. I shall return to this subject, for examination of the more profound implications of what I have just stated, up to the present point in this present report.
This standpoint in scientific method, is absolutely indispensable for any currently, adequately competent physical-scientific insights into any quality of the world's economy known, retrospectively, or currently, to historians today.
Thus, the power unique to the individual human mind, the power to effect discoveries of principle of that significance, distinguishes the members of the human species, and that species as a whole, as a category of living existence absolutely distinct, as a species of existence, from all lower forms of life. This distinction, as defined in scientific-functional terms of reference, is an absolute distinction of the human individual from both the marsupials and the mammals more broadly.
We human beings are, admittedly, mammals in apparent form, and we have no good reason to presume that we might prefer a different form of our mortal, merely biological existence than that; but, yet, we are also not merely mammals. We die as mammals die, but we live as a conscious part of the history which precedes, includes, and follows our time of life, in a quasi-living form of immortality of the conscious mind, as men and women can muster this, and as no mere mammal could be motivated to act according to these historical considerations.
We live with a certain practical access, if we are able, to a special kind of immortality as efficiently memorable personalities of an historically, upwardly-self-evolving species, evolving not biologically, but as mentally trans-generational, explicitly creative beings—as it is written, in the image of the Creator. That fact about us is virtually everything most essential that we need to know, essentially, in treating the principal subject of this report.19This potency of the soul resides only in the actually creative activities of the human mind's practiced action upon its universe, not in slogans or other mere incantations. It resides within our efficiently creative intentions.
This distinction of the human individual has a crucially significant, efficiently physical reflection in the way in which the conception of universal physical principles takes the human individual mind beyond the kinds of hereditary species-characteristics common to all inferior forms of living species. This is a distinction which can be observed only in the instance of the creative mental powers of the human individual, but no lower form of life than mankind. All competent scientific, and, therefore, political thinking about economy, depends absolutely upon plumbing the implications of this unique distinction of the progressive development of the potential powers of the individual human mind.
The crucial principle, as already conceptualized in ancient Classical Greek discoveries in Sphaerics, is the principle known to modern European mathematical physics as the ontological infinitesimal of Leibniz, Riemann, Einstein, et al. This is also the ontological infinitesimal of the Leibniz calculus, as distinct from the mythical, failed, merely mathematically infinitesimal attributable to that Euler-Lagrange-Cauchy calculus premised on the false, a-priori presumptions of a Euclid or the like.
This notion of such an ontological infinitesimal (as distinct from Leonhard Euler's (frankly silly, and intentionally fraudulent, linear-geometric, e.g., Euclidean or Cartesian notion of an infinitesimal) represents the existence of a true universal principle, such as Kepler's discovery of the principle of universal gravitation, as in his The Harmonies of the World. Such a principle corresponds to a principle of the universe, as Albert Einstein emphasized the significance of Kepler in these terms of reference which I have emphasized here.20See my reference to Albert Einstein on Kepler's uniquely original discovery of the principle of universal gravitation. Or, as Riemann emphasizes in the concluding sentence of his 1854 habilitation dissertation, admonishing the mere mathematicians, true physical science lies beyond the merely mathematical forms which exist only as shadows of efficient, universal material reality.
Modern European science, is defined for Kepler by works of Nicholas of Cusa traced from Cusa's De Docta Ignorantia, which is to be regarded as the founding of a competent modern physical science. The crucially pivotal issue is that fact, that human sense-perception is a function of the biological equipment customarily delivered with the infant, equipment whose function has the fairly attributed quality of instrumentation. Vision and hearing are the principal customary references in this matter, but, as the case of Helen Keller illustrated, certainly not the only such.
This function of our sensory-perceptual apparatus, prompts us to doubt that sense-perception as such; it, while indispensable to our species, is only a self-evident, naive representation of our functional interaction with the universe in which we dwell. The most crucial demonstration of the significance of this paradox is supplied by Kepler in his The Harmonies. Special attention to Book IV is required.
As it is rather well known to those who are careful about such matters, Kepler's discovery of the principle of the ontologically, rather than mathematically infinitesimal determination of the orbital relationships among the Sun, Earth and Mars, as presented in The New Astronomy, returned his attention to the harmonically ordered relationships among the planetary orbits of the then known Solar System. In brief, as my associates have developed Kepler's case in unusual detail in LaRouche Youth LLc (2006),21See http://wlym.com/~animations/harmonies/index.php. The crucially relevant treatment of Book IV of Kepler's Harmonies was omitted from the published WLYM report. The omission is being corrected by a member of the original team, and will be soon included in that publication. the re-enactment of the process of uniquely original discovery of a general Solar principle of universal gravitation by Kepler, frees man from the scientific frauds of followers of the neo-Cartesian Newtonian hoax. Taking that reference into account, Albert Einstein's conclusions on this matter come, together with the original, anti-Machian work of Max Planck, such that Einstein's view of Kepler's work, that from the standpoint of the dynamics of Bernhard Riemann, presents us, from him, with what is probably one of the most crucial statements respecting the very foundations of an adequately competent notion of modern science in general.22Contrary to the frauds of the followers of Ernst Mach, and, worse, Bertrand Russell and his followers.
Einstein's and coinciding work represents an accomplishment on behalf of the very idea of science and truthfulness generally, which is all too easily passed over by the all-so-slippery Sophist minds of contemporary academia. The crucial issue here, an issue of the greatest immediate importance for dealing with the onrushing, monstrous, general economic-breakdown-crisis of today, is the popular, reductionist's habit of mistaking a mere mathematical formation for a principle of nature.
In the broad known history of European and related science in particular, from the Pyramids of Giza, through the Sphaerics of the Pythagoreans and Plato, the essential issue of the very idea of science, as so named, or by other names, is the issue whether what our senses report to our cognitive processes is, or is not the exclusive nature of reality we experience with aid of those senses? From the best, from those scientific sources, through the work of such figures as Riemann, Einstein, Planck, and Academician Vernadsky on the Biosphere and Noösphere, and from the standpoint of the remarkable case of Helen Keller, the human mind, not the attached apparatus of sense-perception, is that which provides mankind the means of efficient practice, by means of which the potential relative population-density of our human species, accomplished what no other living species can do: increase the potential relative population-density of our human species without perceptible ultimate limit.
It is true, that in aid of this accomplishment, we require a mathematical insight into the orderly examination of the experience of our senses; but, it is a grave mistake, verging upon insanity, to assume that a mathematical formulation is the ontologically efficient, immediate expression of some universal physical principle.
The same type of challenge is presented by those artificed instruments which not only aid us in examining what serves us as experimental evidence, but, as in the domain of sub-atomic microphysics, represent artificial extensions for complementing the function of the astronomical or microphysical capacity of ordinary sense-experience.
We are confronted with a related, illustrative challenge today, in the reliance on digital recording and reproduction of Classical musical performances as replacement for the analog. The replacement does not succeed, and, as a matter of physical principle, could not succeed. It becomes clear to the musician who has not lost much of his or her hearing, that the ordering of the relations of Classical counterpoint in the analog-ordered mind of the human ear, especially in performance of Classical counterpoint, belongs to a different physical curvature of space-time of hearing than the digital ordering. I cite this here to illustrate the point, that it is not simple mathematical formulations which represent the universe, but that any digital form of mathematical representation of sense-perceptual experience, is never better than a poor shadow of actual physical reality. The digital system can be heard, but is the sound heard actually human?
Thus, the manifestation of each such principle is expressed as in the apparently infinitesimally small at the same time that it is also efficiently universal; but, contrary to Eighteenth-Century, anti-Leibniz empiricists, such as de Moivre, D'Alembert, Euler, and Lagrange, it is not "mathematically infinitesimal," but, rather, an expression of a true (ontologically efficient) universal physical principle. A principle may be expressed by a mathematical recipe, but only in the guise of the footprint of a principle, not its generation as a conception deployed strategically by an individual human mind. This latter, which being both universal and physically efficient, is expressed in any smallest interval of action, an interval which is always smaller than the finest possible mathematical-physical analysis of an interval of efficient physical action. 23For this same reason, there is no digital system of musical recording whose measured interval of action were sufficiently minute that we might treat a digital recording of a Classical musical performance as interchangeable in effect with an analog one. This difference shows up in instances such as a performance "between the notes" conducted by the late Wilhelm Furtwängler. Simple sense-perception may not understand the distinction, but the mind of any competent performer of counterpoint in the tradition of J.S. Bach does. In musical performance of authentically Classical compositions in the Bach tradition, this is the reason only auditing a live performance by a qualified performer, or performers, affords an immediate sense of this crucially important distinction. Sometimes, the difference is absolutely stunning, when comparing the auditing of a live performance with hearing almost any recorded version. This is also crucial in physical science, as in grasping the genius of Kepler's most crucial discoveries in harmonics. The capacity to hear this is weakened as we grow much, much older, but the idea of the distinction remains with us, as it did, manifestly, with aging composer Ludwig van Beethoven's composition, as in his Opus 132 and 133, the clearest experience of most brilliantly conceived counterpoint in any known musical composition to date. It was our tragedy, that the members of the Amadeus Quartet did not live to finish the performance of their intended recapitulation of their already exceptional performance of the Beethoven string quartets.
This defines a universal physical geometry, in which discoverable principles bound the universe of the actions which it contains. The universe is so defined, as Kepler's method of discovery implies, and as Albert Einstein affirmed Kepler's genius on this account, is that the expanding physical universe is finite (e.g., bounded by its own universal physical principles), but also expanding in the sense of the discovery of such principles, or even creating new such principles.
Animals have their destiny, but, unlike beasts and the duped lackeys of British imperialists, we are empowered by our nature, to choose a better destiny, as the prophet of Genesis described this, by discovering it as a matter of principle, and acting to make the intended premise of its crafting come true.
To carry this crucially important conception an essential step further, we must decry the popularized view of an implicitly hermetic separation of physical science from true Classical artistic composition. Essentially, what are often seen as categorically unmiscible states of mind, actually share the same universal principles, as the unique success of Kepler's original discovery of a universal mode of gravitation depended upon the same inherently musical principles shared with the principle of musical counterpoint presented to us by Johann Sebastian Bach and his followers.
In that department customarily distinguished as physical science, the human mind is considering man's practical view of the domain which is Riemannian physically-geometrically external to our species' conceptual-perceptual processes. In Classical artistic composition and its performance, a different arrangement comes into play; instead of studying nature around us, our attention is properly focused upon the individual human mind's view of the processes in which the human mind masters the domain of man's willful action on that mind of man, through which man's mind applies its same powers of creative insight to the study of man's own behavior in our species' control over the physical preconditions of human mortal life. In great Classical art, as the case of Kepler's predecessor Leonardo da Vinci goes toward the heart of the relevant principle, it is the mental-social functions of the individual human mind which are to be explored, as by the methods of fugal and related counterpoint by the greatest musical composers and performers since Bach.
Man reigns within the universe, and his knowledge of that universe is therefore man's self-conscious apprehension of that which his acquisition of such knowledge represents as his power in and over that same universe. The true subject of science is man himself, and his Creator.
In stark contrast to British imperial empiricism, the idea of the existence of "capitalism," as distinct from the constitutional intention of of such United States Presidents as Washington, Lincoln, and Franklin Roosevelt, exists only as a curious variety of Anglo-Dutch Liberal, pagan religious belief. (Hence an inevitable, inherently systemic conflict between what is called capitalism and Christianity, for example.) Happily, the remedy for such a superstitious belief is to be found in the work of such founders of the U.S. constitutional system, as in commentaries, as in the work of U.S. Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton's commentaries on the quaint, pagan customs among Dutch poltroons. The constitutional principle upon which the foundation of the U.S. republic depended, from the beginning, through the adoption of the Federal Constitution, was a rejection of the class systems of earlier and contemporary Europe alike. Unfortunately, the ideas of the U.S. Constitutional system have been the victims of a stunning lack popularity for them, in today's lately reigning U.S. government circles, especially during the most recent two years.
It was against that conception on which the U.S. republic was founded, which was the anti-British expression in the U.S. Declaration of Independence, which prompted Lord Shelburne's lackey, Adam Smith, an avowed hater of the United States, to devote his own 1776 The Wealth of Nations, explicitly, to demanding the crushing of the young U.S. republic. No U.S. citizen can properly defend Smith for that, and also regard himself as a U.S. patriot if he does.
Among the principal supporters of the U.S. cause of 1776 and later, from among the crowned heads of Europe and relevant other Europeans, such as the Marquis de Lafayette, there was the widely expressed desire by enlightened leading Europeans, to see the success of the U.S. venture of 1776-1789, as a model for the desired, humanistic reforms of the very same systems of European government over which they either reigned, or were of influential rank. Such European supporters rightly saw us as pace-setters for effecting the pro-humanistic reforms, but not necessarily so-called "capitalist" reforms, which they desired for their own nations; we, therefore, became, thus, the expression of their own cause.
The most essential among those desired humanistic reforms, as promoted by many from around our planet, was the liberation of the great mass of the people of Europe from the millennia-old system of subjugation of the great mass of the population by the principle of perpetual ignorance which the Olympian Zeus of the playwright Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound described as the Olympian Zeus' prohibition of the extension of the fire of scientific progress to the subject human population. Those European statesman, scientists, and poets who had assimilated the legacy of that great ecumenical Council of Florence which had set modern European civilization into motion upon the debris of feudalism, were personally committed to the relevant uplifting of the status and individual development of the general population of that nation for whose destiny they considered themselves as largely responsible, and in the vital interest of their fellow-citizens, too.
The same issue which inspired both the founders of the U.S.A. and also those who assisted it in resisting the brutishness of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal imperial system established in February 1763, reigns as a necessary view of matters for the present day. "Capitalism" is just a deceptive, silly name, used to divert attention from the actual, human issues facing humanity at large, then, as also still today. The U.S. economic system, whose reality was laid out by Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton, and defended by President Franklin Roosevelt, is the entirely different system which all the greatest patriots of the U.S. fought to defend and promote: forget that dirty British word, "capitalism."
In the immediate years following the close of what is called "The Second World War," the argument began to be spread, that the new name for "economy" should be "ecology." There was no effective clarity among those who referred to ecology as a basis for economy, or upon exactly what principle this discussion should be premised, although, in my view, the prevalent tendency was typified by the line of the Julian Huxley who was the grandson of Britain's same notorious Thomas Huxley, who had spawned the career of the virtually Satanic, and avowed fascist, H.G. Wells. Yet, at the same time, the more meaningful use of the term "ecology" as identifying a category of human behavior, would be to emphasize the categorical distinction of the physical principles specific to human ecology, as distinguished from either as merely a sub-category of animal ecology, or as economies might be described as economies viewed as subjects of what are essentially monetary systems.
Our U.S. republic's essential enemy from within "Old Europe," and that Europe's imperialist's reach into the present world at large, is an ideology, the ideology of empiricism traced from the leading role played by Venice's reformer Paolo Sarpi, during his lifetime, and that of his principal lackey, the hoaxster Galileo Galilei. The denial of the existence of knowable truth, respecting matters of physical science and other leading categories of human knowledge, was the devilishly clever trick for depriving people of the protection of principles, by asserting that no such principles could have ever existed.
They stole your money, and then replied, as Wall Street or British swindlers would say today: "What money?"
Ecology as popularly defined today, has proven itself an effective force for evil, on this account.
In reality, as U.S. Treasury Secretary Paulson has demonstrated so abundantly today, there is no intrinsic value in money itself, nor can any durably useful conclusions be drawn from the effort to explain the behavior of real economies in terms of some concocted monetary principle.
In history customarily, the significance of a money-system lies in a principle of usury which preys upon, but reigns from outside the domain of physical economy of any sovereign nation. This predicament is typified by the systemically defined, fundamental difference between the constitutional system of economy on which the U.S. Federal Constitution was premised, and the implicitly imperialistic financial systems in the continuing parliamentary traditions of government characteristic of Europe even still today.
For a healthy republic's economy, the state must exert a virtual birth-right monopoly over the uttering of currency, and of related appendages of a typical monetary process, as the U.S. Federal Constitution provides. Whereas, in Europe, still today, even where the monetary system is forced to bargain with the nation-state over the division of territorial rights, the monetary power exists in the form of a creation of a private monopoly, such as that of implicitly supra-national monetary systems, above the national state.
This supranational, implicitly usurious character of typical European monetary systems, is key for competent understanding of the distinction between the traditional parliamentary basis of representation provided for the governments of Europe, and the truly republican American constitutional system. Thus, to the extent that the United States has compromised its Federal Constitution by concessions to designs deemed more consistent with the European political-economy models, our own U.S.A., having thus betrayed its own birth-right, has been more or less badly ruined each time we made such compromises with the inherently imperialist monetary systems and practices of "Old Europe."
The source of this historic failure of European systems, is most easily recognized in terms of the modern European systems themselves, by the fate of the attempted reforms of France's Fifth Republic under a President Charles de Gaulle whose very personal existence was set in perpetual peril by the assassins of the British monarchy's imperialist financial-monetary system. The same, implicitly fascist threat, experienced at London's hands, by President Charles de Gaulle, has been introduced into the present U.S. Presidential-election campaign, through British top-down control over the principal mass of the financing and direction of Presidential election-campaigns since about February 2006.
The essential economic and constitutional distinction in law and practice between the U.S. Federal constitutional system, and those of parliamentary Europe, is that the U.S. Constitution prudently requires a U.S. fundamental power, as a sovereign nation, over the uttering and circulation of money and related forms of public credit. Thus, we have the fundamental difference in principle between the actually original Bretton Woods design under President Franklin Roosevelt, and the contrary design for the conduct of that system under the reign of a British imperialism's vulgar stooge, President Harry S Truman.
Summing this point up in brief: the U.S. economy is organized around the constitutional principle of public credit, rather than a typically European parliamentary regime held in virtual imperial captivity by a European style in monetary systems.
It is in those terms of reference, that the fate of all humanity presently, is menaced by the predatory tyranny of functionally imperialist, globally reigning monetarist systems.
In the hands of that British crowd and its virtual colonials of today, imperial Britain's American ideological lackeys, the direction of the discussion of ecology followed the lines of Anglo-American pro-genocidalists who had shared in the promotion of the eugenics movement, and are represented today by organizations, such as the neo-malthusian Club of Rome and the closely related Club of Rome's ally, that Laxenberg, Austria-based International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, which came into being, as an offshoot of that Cambridge program of Systems Analysis associated with the influence of Bertrand Russell.
Russell's influence since he came to relative notability during the1890s, has represented a process of successive phases of moral and intellectual degeneration in the work of physical and related science. Most notable is the succession of the phase of such degeneration beginning with that represented by the work of the positivist Ernst Mach. Mach's influence, which is associated with the degeneration of physical science into a mere matter of mechanics, was a crucial shift, downwards, which dominated notable scientific quarrels through the period of World War I Berlin and Austria; Mach's influence to this effect, which peaked during the period of World War I, was then superseded by the much more radical degeneration introduced by the influence of Bertrand Russell's Principia Mathematica, a thesis which emerged as setting a dominant trend in British radical-empiricist (positivist) ideology during the period of the 1920s Solvay Conferences.24So-called "information theory" has become a leading offshoot of the qualitative degeneration which Russell brought about in the practice of Twentieth-Century and later academic practice, through two of Russell's noted American pupils, Professor Norbert Wiener (Cybernetics, 1948) and John von Neumann.
Among the most notable roles of Russell was that, although Russell was filling-in for H.G. Wells in Russell's announcing, in September 1946, a campaign for a causeless launching of a "nuclear assault" on the Soviet Union, Russell, while still defending this during the 1950s and beyond, reached an accommodation with the government of Soviet General Secretary Khrushchov under the auspices of Russell's own organization of a disgusting political concoction known as World Parliamentarians for World Government, and was the leading advocate, in association with his protégé, the curiously mad Leo Szilard, in escalation of nuclear-confrontational schemes, during the course of the late 1950s and 1960s.
The general character of the work of Russell and H.G. Wells, from their curious personal coincidence and rivalries over the period from Wells' emergence as a leading Fabian strategist for what became World War I, from the 1890s on, through their pact of common goals and common ends reached in their 1928 pact around the time of the publication of Wells' The Open Conspiracy, is that they remained British imperial utopians, always determined, as Russell himself emphasized on repeated occasions, to concoct some scheme which would ensure the eternal supremacy of the British empire to the proverbial "end of time." This has been, since, essentially the same Anglo-Dutch Liberal imperial goal which has been continued, beyond the decease of former Nazi-SS veteran Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands, by his co-conspirator, the Duke of Edinburgh (Prince Philip), these two the co-authors of the pro-genocidalist World Wildlife Fund behind the global neo-malthusian movement of today.
This is the true imperial face of mankind's leading enemy, still today. The sundry, utopian schemes haunting the world still today, such as Prince Philip's echo of Russell in proposing the reduction of the world's present population from approximately six-and-a-half billions persons, to two billions or less, hopefully, according to Russell, during the 1950s, and Prince Philip still today. There is no essential moral difference between these types and Adolf Hitler, except that these British fellows and their prominent co-thinkers around the world are much more likely to succeed, unless nations band together to outlaw such criminal schemes in some efficient way.
These intended mass-murderers could not succeed without the consent of international circles which are rooted in today's international neo-malthusian schemes, such as the World Wildlife Fund, or the frauds promoted by such lackeys of Prince Philip as the hoaxster, former U.S. Vice-President Al Gore.
While these evil circles of influence from around the world, profess themselves humanitarians, they have the same deep-rooted, axiomatic goals of today as the Hitler movement of the 1920s and later, and will resort to kindred, or much worse means for realizing those goals of imperial population control, unless they are stopped today. That evil scheme, is what all the feverishly impassioned popular chatter today, about so-called "environmentalism." is all about. When we examine the last decades of the Soviet Union, from the early accommodations to Russell and his circle, during the 1950s through the influence of Russell's malthusian schemes centered on the Cambridge systems analysis projects, that is what we see. That is the draught of ideological poison which came to infest, and ruin the Soviet system from within, more and more, from the top down, as the visible end of that system approached.
Affairs of the world, including the affairs of the world's economy, have reached the point of a threatened, monstrously deadly, terminal crisis of civilization as a whole.
It should be obvious from the experience of the most recent two U.S. Presidential terms, that, while the pure rage of nuclear horrors remains possible, the more likely ruin of the planet will tend to come through nothing so much as toleration of a combination of utopian financier schemes, such as the assorted expressions of "globalization," and the suicidal slide toward a monstrous, planetary "new dark age," like, but far worse than that which struck feudal Europe, done by the hand of Venetian financier interests behind the Lombard League, during Europe's Fourteenth Century. Then, one-third of Europe's population was wiped out during approximately the span of approximately a single generation; this time, if permitted, it would take at least eighty percent of the present world population.
Any nuclear-weapons or related atrocities would be essentially side-effects.
Our common strategic task, is to take the constructive economic and social measures needed to prevent that presently looming, global catastrophe from actually happening. The distance to Hell itself is now becoming very, very short.
Apportion the outline of the proposed programmatic approach to the immediate launching of a global physical-economic recovery, among the following principal categories.
The present financial systems of the world at large are not only hopelessly bankrupt, when considered in the entirety of the nominally outstanding assets and liabilities of each nation, or region of the world. Although we must choose, selectively, to secure the valid elements among the claimed nominal assets, the merely nominal claims, most of which, like financial derivatives, are essentially only gambling debts, must be simply discarded as waste. Any possibility of the present survival of civilization depends upon the imposition of that condition.
It should be recalled, that, despite the Federal U.S. preceding conviction of Michael Milken, former U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan took the lead in unloosing that flood of financial derivatives, now totalling in the amount of not less than quadrillions of U.S. dollars denomination, which is the principal driver of the general, global financial breakdown-crisis of the world financial system in its presently accelerating collapse-phase today. This already monstrous crisis has been aggravated by insane efforts, led by the U.S. and British governments, to subsidize such merely nominal assets at the expense of the otherwise probably valid holdings and claims of the international financial system.
Although, as in my international webcast of July 25, 2007, I had already warned of an immediate eruption of a general, international financial breakdown-crisis, and had presented valid actions by the U.S. government to bring that crisis under control, with the measures actually taken over the interval August 1 through October 18, 2008, relevant Federal legislative and Executive Branch agencies have not only failed to take these indicated actions, but have taken directly contrary measures which could have no other effect than literally destroying the credibility of a possible recovery from the already bankrupt, entire international financial system.
Matters have reached the point that only certain drastic emergency measures, taken by a combination of leading governments of the world, could halt the presently accelerating plunge of the world's financial-monetary systems.
However, if those emergency measures which I have prescribed are taken by a sufficient part of the world's leading, and some other nations, remedies are available. Such emergency measures require an initiative among some leading powers of the world, to employ the authority implicit in the combined efforts of a significant number of the present world's leading national powers, to force a proceeding in bankruptcy-reorganization of the world's financial monetary system.
Any negotiation which does not proceed from that specific, first step, will result in a far worse catastrophe than is already oncoming. The worst thing that could be done now, would be to call an impromptu "new Bretton Woods" convention which would be a hodge-podge of diplomatic debating points. By resorting to what is such an inherently failed effort, the credibility of any competent subsequent action would be ruined in advance—and the world as a whole would then, more or less assuredly, deliver itself to a sojourn of centuries to come, in a forthcoming economic version of Hell.
In my option, we must begin with measures including a process of discarding forms of human end-product properly regarded as financial waste-matter. We must take this action as a precaution on behalf of other portions representing morally legitimate claims, such as valid deposits of citizens and functionally viable assets of useful public or private institutions. Those portions of the present world financial-monetary system which are intrinsically viable and essential to the economic health of nations, must be set aside, by that combination of authorities for governmental legal protection, after which, the remainder of nominal claims report to the same hereafter where, within the U.S.A., the nominal currency of Britain's 1860s former Confederacy puppet still reposes safely in perpetual peaceful neglect today.
All claims on the account of financial derivatives, for example, are simply to be cast into oblivion as being nothing better than gambler's debts to what might have been, in fact, Alan Greenspan's defunct derivatives casino. The attempt to panic governments and others by stating that all financial claims of those institutions must be honored, more or less equally (of everyone but ordinary citizens and physically productive enterprises), is to be treated as sheer buncombe. What effective government is resolved to defend through bankruptcy protection, is all of the present financial claims which could be defended without crashing the world's physical economy into proverbial "smithereens." Any compensation wrongly awarded by recent, probably unlawful actions by government, must be returned as rapidly as feasible, to the victim, from whoever had been the illicit holder of such donations. Notably, any drug-trafficking gains accessible to governmental action should be confiscated, and delivered to the most probable choice of the beneficiary, as quickly as practicable, under the same general rule.
Among things to be protected, now privileged portions represented as legitimate claims under the process of financial reorganization, must now find a place of safe residence, under general financial and credit reorganization, for those claims. That place, should, in typical cases, be provided by the creation of newly formed credit systems, a place where legitimate claims from the former monetary systems, so defined, are now honored, according to lawful terms, consistent with the intent of national constitutions such as our own U.S. Federal Constitution, and thus provided protection under the lawful terms of a new, international credit-system.
The reciprocal relationship between the newly established, national credit-systems, and the intended, uninterrupted fulfillment of valid and necessary economic and related functions, must be brought into being as if, as it used to be said in these United States, "turning on a dime."
The shards of an already shattered, and monstrously bankrupt, present world financial-monetary system, must be reprocessed in this way. This happy transformation must be caused to occur in such a way that the relatively idled portion of human and other functionally valuable resources, is quickly re-directed, as flow, into an expansion of a newly expanded physically productive sector, and that as rapidly as might be possible. This will occur largely, at first, through necessary publicly funded, public works.25What this means, as a practical matter of relevant law and related public practice, will be addressed in the next principal section of this chapter. The purpose of this initial transitional phase should be, to bring the economy of each and all nations, as rapidly as possible, into a condition above the level of inherent physical-economic break-even of costs and income, that by the standard for performance of the celebrated colonist Captain John Smith, all proceeding, hopefully, as if almost no temporary breakdown of the system had actually occurred.
The intention expressed by the relevant provision of the U.S. Federal Constitution, respecting the uttering of lawful credit by national government, must be employed for this purpose.
In this transformation from the presently onrushing, virtual economic death of the nations of this world as a whole, we, a concert of nations, must act to bring virtually new life to each and all willing nations. This protection, is to be crafted as in the model of the Bretton Woods system, as that system of credit was prescribed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1944 must be followed, (rather than the poisonous, British ("Keynesian") compromise with British imperial monetarism struck under President Truman.
Truman's intention was clearly manifest, after Roosevelt's death, as the intention to destroy Roosevelt's anti-monetarist, anti-imperialist legacy as quickly as might be tolerated. The seed of monetarist evil chosen instead, was contracted, between President Harry S Truman and those British and other empires which President Franklin Roosevelt had intended to destroy, that for reason of his determination that we might free the world from the evil Anglo-Dutch Liberal imperialism, and its like. Roosevelt's avowed intention had been, in fact, to eradicate the origin of the two great wars from which humanity had recently suffered up to that time.
President Franklin Roosevelt's intention then, was the same, essentially, as my own stated here today. We must go beyond the limited general intention of that 1648 Peace of Westphalia, upon which all decent life on this planet was intentionally premised then, to revive that intention of 1648, but add other provisions needed for the immediate steps toward establishment of a planetary political system in which only perfectly sovereign nation-states have legitimate authority as the lawful personality of sovereign nations.
The delimited juridical purpose in creating such a system among nation-states, is not to prescribe the internal affairs of nations, as imperialist systems do, but only the essential features of relations as such among the membership of that community of sovereigns. This is to say, that all traces of the atrocities of that new Tower of Babel called "globalization," must now be uprooted and eradicated.26As pointed out in an earlier chapter of this report, the present practice, especially notable since August 15, 1971, of using the power of being supranational agencies, to set codes of conduct of financial and other internal affairs of subject nations, has the specific hallmark of imperialism since earlier than the fall of the King of Babylon. The nation which is not sovereign in these matters, is not sovereign at all.
In place of the former lawful arrangements thus removed, a certain principle must be newly introduced.
The fact to be noted on behalf of these needed reforms of the previously failed world monetary system, is that modern European Liberalism is a product of the initiatives of the Paolo Sarpi who founded the system of modern Liberalism upon an adapted resurrection of the wild irrationalism of the medieval William of Ockham.
It has often been argued, contrary to fact, that Sarpi freed the portions of Europe under his influence from the brutish barbarism of factional opponents of The Council of Trent. Quite the contrary. Sarpi did change the manner of selection of his targets, but, as the 1618-1648 Thirty Years War attests, the butchery authored by Sarpi's Liberalism was as liberally a satanic lust for butchery as that under the Habsburg tyranny.
Essentially, under Sarpi's legacy, there was, and could be no respectable expression of morality. It is an axiomatic feature of the Liberalism of Sarpi and his Ockhamite ideological followers, that either no actual morality exists on this planet, even adducible physical laws of the universe; or, if it exists in scientific fact, it will not be tolerated. For the Liberals who sprang from Sarpi's ideological womb, there is only expediency, not truth.
Under Liberalism, whatever passes for being perceived, more or less officially, as popular, supercedes any actually principled notion of morality. Every man has the authority to choose, and even to enforce what he chooses, cynically, to call "morality," if he senses that he has the power to do so, even to the point of a self-righteous form of assertion of the licence to kill whoever might disagree, as in Guantanamo prison.
This moral disorder of Sarpi's Ockhamite Liberalism, is made most transparently clear, when it comes to the matter of principles of physical science. The following implications of that are most notable for practical attention here.
"The Zombies are eating our babies!" seems to be the fair description of the sense of horror expressed by those actually moral people, expressing the degree to which they are appalled by the virtually cannibals' spread of that panic of mass lunacy called neo-Malthusian "environmentalism" today. The Flagellants of the Fourteenth-Century "New Dark Age" were no more insane, than the so-called "environmentalist" cults of today. Simply said, Liberalism and actual human morality are intrinsically adversaries.
True attempts at promotion of morality and true science may often clash, but they can be reunited by the diligent pursuit of reason. They do not compromise their differences, but are united by principles whose basis is of the same nature as Johannes Kepler's uniquely original discovery of universal gravitation.
In any great Classical composition, such as a composition by Ludwig van Beethoven, or a great Classical drama, a truly accomplished plan of a composition begins by creating a kind of truthful image of the actual universe within the mind of the intended audience, from the start. The great Classical composition, be it poem, song, drama, or a painting echoing the principles of the later productions of Leonardo da Vinci, or Rembrandt, creates a kind of universe within the mind of the composer or performer, such that the entirety of the subsequently unfolding development occurs, for the mind of the audience, within the evolution of the human space introduced at the opening.
The opening line, and stanza of a Classically thoroughly composed poem, is an example of this. Or, take the case of a crucially important Percy B. Shelley's In Defence of Poetry, or the entirety of that stroke of genius in the domain of development of sight and sound over a vast span of history, John Keats' Ode on a Grecian Urn.
For an example from prose, take a most remarkably powerful passage from the closing paragraphs of Shelley's In Defence: "... The most unfailing herald, companion, and follower of the awakening of a great people to work a beneficial change in opinion or institution, is poetry. At such periods there is an accumulation of the power of communicating and imparting intense and impassioned conceptions respecting man and nature. The person in whom this power resides, may often, as regards many portions of their nature, have little apparent correspondence with that spirit of good of which they are the ministers. But even whilst they deny and abjure, they are yet compelled to serve, that power which is seated upon the throne of their own soul...." and so on to the close of that composition.
That excerpt which I have just quoted here, prepares a defined stage as it must appear on the opening curtain of the drama. What follows that in Shelley's subsequent sentences which I have not quoted here, defines the ensuing exposition of the drama defined by the lines from which I have quoted here, above.
As the Classical drama, whatever it may be, whatever its principal subject from beginning to end, or a great song from the Classical repertoire, or, the development of the drama, lying between the bounds of the context created for its start, is begun with the punctum saliens of the development which proceeds from, and from within the bounds of the subject and territory of the opening.
In this design of Classical drama we see Creation as Albert Einstein depicted the universe discovered by Johannes Kepler. There is the opening of Creation, and, then, the ensuing development on the stage of the imagination of the audience, as Einstein defined a Keplerian universe which is finite and unbounded. All scientific and comparable expressions of true human creativity have this expression in common.
So, the proper subject of the entire composition, including a competent act of statecraft, its opening, its development, its conclusion, is an impassioned movement of conceptions, each and all defined within the special universe of that artistic composition which is a process of transformation of the intellectual space which is implicitly bounded, as an idea, with the opening.
If that intention of the composition as a whole is not fulfilled, either the author or the performers failed.
In statecraft, as in Classical artistic composition and its adequate performance, it is much the same. A conflict of one nation against another, is, in itself, essentially chaos, unreason. It is defining the conflict among nations as a unified conception of a necessary unfolding of development, from that beginning, which defines the idea of development of mankind out from the nightmare of wars and kindred strife which have torn civilization apart, from known beginnings to the present. That is a condition of wretchedness whose remedy must be posed by proceeding, at the opening, from the real-life stage upon which the conflict of the respective forces has entered the drama's opening scene. Only in this fashion, as defining constitutions of law, or Classical art, can the process of transcending horror be conceptualized as a single image, a single idea of transformation, by the member of the drama's audience.
We have such a present horror which now demands such perspective, such a creative mission, placed now before us all.
As a matter of fact, civilization as a whole now pivots, at this moment, on the combination of the following actions, taken jointly, by four and more from among the obviously leading nation-state powers of the planet, and no other agency should be entrusted, initially, with the required remedial initiatives. The obvious four leading powers from among these willing nations required, are the U.S.A., Russia, China, and India. Their diversity, and the great numbers of the Asian powers, in particular, is their great source of strength and authority for the relevant consent to agreements. Without these specific four powers, no effective reform could be introduced at this time; in the case that role of those four powers were not brought into being, a prolonged new dark age for the planet as a whole would now be virtually inevitable.
The crucial considerations are the following in naming those four powers for the role of the consenting, initiating body to assemble sovereign states generally into a common effort at reform.
Only the U.S. Federal Constitution provides, presently, the pre-existing, constitutional mechanisms, provided by a major power among the world's nations, to launch a new Bretton Woods system of a type competent to deal with the monstrous world, financial breakdown-crisis presently unfolding.
The principal mechanism required for this purpose, is the constitutional uniqueness of the U.S. Federal Constitution's implicit abhorrence of international monetary-financial monetary systems of the presently operating type, that in favor of national credit-systems rather than independent, or quasi-independent monetary systems. Under the U.S. Federal Constitution, the uttering of currency and related public credit is a monopoly of the government of the United States of America. That feature of the constitution of a major world power, the U.S.A., provides the urgently needed mechanism for creating a new world credit-system, through treaty agreements of the U.S.A. among the four indicated and other powers.
The immediate, and urgent practical issue posed on this account, is the need to create a mass of regulated state credit among nations, as the supply of credit, chiefly for long-term investment in the creation of employment for the production of great new physical assets of basic economic private and public infrastructure, including health-care and educational institutions, agriculture, and manufacturing, for increasing the net, physical productive powers of labor of each of the nations, and their common undertakings, as much as can become physically possible, to bring the net product of the world community as a whole up to the level of the economic and related security requirements of the combined, respectively perfectly sovereign nation-states of the world.
For practical reasons, such a rejuvenation of the world economy which has been wrecked, so thoroughly, by the destructive changes in policies among nations since August 1971, requires an initial concentration of such economic-reconstruction efforts on the forms of public investment in basic economic infrastructure which are indispensable public preconditions for the net physical growth of each and all nations of the world.
Without the types of long-term "crash program" efforts associated with the 1933-1945 practice under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, such a rescue of the planet from today's threat of a new dark age would not be feasible.
Thus, the world's present financial-monetary system must be replaced, summarily, by a new, global system of public credit, that of the type prescribed by the intent of the crafting of the U.S. Federal Constitution.
Without the stroke of genius, executed by Gottfried Leibniz, in reviving the ancient principle of Classical Greek scientific methods, dynamics, (dynamis) i.e., the modern dynamics later) more fully developed by such followers of Nicholas of Cusa as Bernhard Riemann, Max Planck, and Albert Einstein, the essentials of a competent understanding of the crucial role of infrastructure in the science of physical economy could not have existed.
As I have already emphasized, under science and ecology, the principle which places the existence of the human species in a category above the mammals, as the principle of the mammals reigns above that of the marsupials, and as I had treated the outgrowths of Academician V.I. Vernadsky's physically principled distinction of the Noösphere from the Biosphere, the most significant function of society's progressive development of its basic economic infrastructure, is of the same nature as the class of principle defining the placental order as superior to the marsupial. In turn, just as, as Albert Einstein emphasized, the principle of universal gravitation, as originally discovered only by Nicholas of Cusa's follower Johannes Kepler, contains the Solar System as a process, so the principled advances in the organization of that aspect of basic economic infrastructure affecting production, are the subsuming agency prompting what are effectively qualitative, as also quantitative improvements in those productive powers of labor situated in the relevant infrastructural domain. The supply of the benefit so secured, is not confined to the action of the individual person, or enterprise; it acts through changes in the environment of production and daily existence of the members of society, which are effected not at the point of production, but, rather, in the environment of production.
The simplest example of this, is provided by comparing the increase of the potential relative energy-flux-density of the power supplied to production, as distinct from improvements internal to the local process of production. In other words, only an idiot measures power in calories; competent economic science locates power in units of calories per square centimeter (e.g., temperature): the higher the temperature, as measured in relevant increments, the greater the power expressed by the same number of calories.27Compare Wall Street's post-World War II promotion of highway vehicles as a method of destroying the net productivity of the U.S. economy effected through mass transit, and imposing the wasteful use of air transport, relative to densely organized high-speed rail, or magnetic-levitation service, as through cutting back the rail system for the vastly less efficient competing systems. E.g. compare the respective mass effects of the door-to-door lapsed-time for rail commuting, and the cost of that transport, with both highway and air travel.
This is key to the economic superiority of mass-transportation by rail, or magnetic-levitation transport, over an individually operated mass of highway vehicles transporting the same amount of passengers or freight.
We require potable water, per capita and per square kilometer; power, measured in both quantity and energy flux-density; available mass transport of people and freight; medical care and public health provisions; quality of education and Classical modalities in entertainment and general education; density of physical-scientific research, per capita, and rate of advancement in knowledge of physical and related principles. The general point to be emphasized as among included considerations, is education for development of the quality of the human individual mind, rather than emphasis on so-called "practical education" specific choices of assignments.
Call it, in the alternative, "energy/capital flux-density."
This is usefully translated as an orientation toward the increase of the ratio of number of persons employed in developing and improving the capital-intensity of both production and increase of relative physical output per unit of output per-capita and per square kilometer, rather than merely linear increases. In short, the rate of net productivity per capita and per square kilometer must not merely increase, but accelerate, as Gottfried Leibniz would have informed Descartes, if Leibniz had thought talking to Descartes could have any useful outcome.
The monetary or kindred aspects of this function, must be considered, preferably, in human parameters, rather than today's ordinary, essentially linear ones. The respective rations of mammals to marsupials, and people to other mammals, are to be recognized as another reflection of the same principle of physical economy.
All very much in the footsteps of Gottfried Leibniz.
Since no later than the relevant problem was stated by Aeschylus in his Prometheus Trilogy, the most characteristic social problem of known societies of mankind, has been, in fact, the kind of injunction uttered by the Olympian Zeus of that drama, that ordinary mankind should not be given access to knowledge of "fire," which would signify such things as knowledge of the power of nuclear fission, today.
It must be emphasized, that since as distant in mankind's past as we have actually historical, rather than merely archeological knowledge of what has passed through human minds of the past, the crucial problem of society, has been that beastly oppression which the great Classical tragedian Aeschylus identified in his Prometheus Trilogy, his Prometheus Bound in particular. The great majority of humanity is to be recognized, thus, as degraded to the virtual status of cattle, lest the awakened power of human reason native to our species be quickened, and tyrannies are thus brought to an end. Our own patriots' revolt against the bestiality of the British imperial system established by the British East India Company by the February 1763 Peace of Paris is typical of the evil oppression from which mankind must now be freed at last, as the patriots of the founding of our republic, had intended in their own great struggle against the evil of the British empire of that time.
It should be our policy, that where there is oppression of the type of Aeschylus' depiction of the Olympian Zeus, every person's freedom on this planet remains in jeopardy. Thus, to establish a system of self-government under that quality of freedom which our Declaration of Independence defined, all of the world must be secure in the right to achieve true human freedom, not the freedom of action of lower forms of life. It is the power of reason which is the only standard of true freedom, a power of reason of which most of the world remains deprived, as by many among the universities and schools of our own republic today.
As it is with all men and women, human freedom is not a lack of shackles, but the liberation of the creative powers which separate men and women from the beasts, from the shackles which rich and other oligarchs impose upon the minds of those whom they regard as their rightful cattle, their subjects, the ordinary folk of this planet.
Since the middle of the 1970s, very influential people then, in the United States, chose to commit our own nation to a British imperial policy of treating the mineral and related resources of Africa, especially sub- Saharan Africa, as assets to be defended, against Africans themselves, as resources to be conserved for the benefit of the ruling financier interests of Britain and the United States. The stench of that still unremedied legacy of British imperialism and its accomplices of today, is a mortal threat to the freedom of all among the nations and peoples of the world.
Unless some stunning change occurs, a great demonstration of the repudiation of such British and similar evil against the people of Africa, there is no effective commitment, anywhere on this planet for anyone over the course of the near or distant future.
The special mission which must be the rallying-point for those nations and persons of the world which are committed to justice for the special nature of the potential creative mental powers specific only to the human individual, among all living species, is the premise on which decency of man to man, everywhere depends. Therefore, the improvement in the access to self-development of those creative mental powers of mankind typified by Johannes Kepler's uniquely original discovery of the universal principle of gravitation, sets a useful choice of standard by which to measure the degree to which governments and other authorities are capable of recognizing what human freedom truly is.
Therefore, the commitment to the destiny of the poorest and least protected among the peoples of the world, the commitment to their acquisition of the efficient means of self-government for progress in the human condition, rather than that of some pet animal, demands that the goals of all humanity are being tested, that by the prospects of a truly human life, that in the full meaning of the adducible creative powers unique to the human individual, which must be the goal and standard of a future new order of progress for all mankind today. Let the reign of all oligarchies of the type of Anglo-Dutch Liberalism, or even worse, now be brought to an end.